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Plan or Belfast 

Sa/n/- Maf/?e^vs Ca//fo//c C/xjrcA 
(2) MarroivSone c//s/r/c/. 
(D Weai/er SfreeA 
@ /?es/dence of Af^Ma/?o/7 /b/n//t/ 
Saw/- Marys //a//. 

BELFAST POGROM, 1920-1922 












The many Ulster Protestants, 

who have always Jived in peace and friendliness 

with their Catholic neighbours, 

This little Book 

Dealing with the Acts 

of their misguided Co-religionists, 

Is affectionately dedicated. 


The object of this little volume is to place before 
the public a brief review of the disorders that have 
made the name of Belfast notorious for the past 
two years. A well-financed Press propaganda, 
clever and unscrupulous, taking advantage of the 
disturbed state of the public mind and the pro- 
verbial shortness of the public memory, has already 
succeeded in convincing vast numbers of people, 
especially in England, that the victims were the 
persecutors — that Abel killed Cain. The incredible 
has indeed been accomplished. Those vast sums 
have not been spent in vain. 

It would be folly to hope that any dissemination 
of the truth can ever undo the effects of such 
propaganda. But it is surely due to the poor, 
suffering minority in Belfast that some effort should 
be made to put a fair statement of their case before 
the outside public. An honest effort is made to do 
this briefly here. 


This book is compiled mainly from first-hand 
knowledge, but there is hardly anything in it which 
one may not verify from current reports in the 
unprejudiced Irish or British Press. 

What the Catholics of Belfast would desire most 
of all, and what they have repeatedly asked for, 
is an impartial tribunal set up by Government to 
investigate the whole tragic business. Sir James 
Craig's Government would never consent to do that. 
Would it be too much to hope that — considering 
the magnitude of these outrages, and the helpless 
civic condition of the Catholic minority — an Inter- 
national Commission should be appointed to take it 
in hand, such as was set up for an inquiry into the 
Turkish outrages in Anatolia ? 

ist August, ig22. 


Introduction ... ... ... ... ... 7 

First Outbreak, 21st July, 1920 ... ... ... 13 

Are the Belfast Pogroms Anti-Catholic or Anti-National ?~Omens 
of Peace— What a Bogus Trade Union did— The Fiery Cross— The 
Orange Press takes up the Cry— Ceming Events— The Day Arrives 
(21st July. 1920)— I^oyalists All— Out of the Frying Pan— Works of the 
Second Day (22nd July. 1920)— Storming a Church— What a British 
Officer saw — Firing on a Monastery — And what a Jury thought of it — 
Orange Braves Attack Convent of Nuns— What Officers of the Crown 
said about it— What an Orange Paper said about it— A Monstrous 
Lying Press— Quite Hamaresque— What some Outsiders had to say — 
Knglish Fair Play — A I,ull — Some Words of a Bishop— And of a Bel- 
fast Protestant— And a Word of Premier Craig— The Victims. 

Second Outbreak, 24th August, 1920 ... ... ... 33 

One Week's Burnings — Anti-Catholic Campaign — Vae Victis — 
Attempt to burn a Child— Keeping the Ring — Evictions — Curfew — 
An Attack on a Church— Fleeing with a Corpse— What Ananias said— 
What a Jury said~A Judge's Remarks — Grieved by Belfast Per- 
jury—Wanted a Victim— What the Minority are up against— The 
Odds— The Orange Version— I^et the Truth be Known Everywhere— 
The Orange Special Police — The Times Disapproves — The Govern- 
ment Surrender- to Carson— T/te Times and Daily Mai/— Sinning 
Against the I^ight— The Boycott. 

Second Year, 1921 — A Summary ... ... ... 57 

Murder by Crown Forces — Monthly Events — Outposts Under 
Siege — One Against Ten — A Boy's Agony — Kicked to Death — A 
Cry at Westminster— How Curfew was Carried Out — "Catholics 
Themselves to Blame for Pogrom M— This Picture— And This— The 
National Sentiment, 

Wickham Secret Circular ... ... ... ... 83 

The Plot Exposed— Sequence of Events— Detailed Analysis. 

Samples of Orange Loyalty ... ... ... ... 92 

Kicking the King's Uniform— A Letter from the King— British 
Soldiers Killed and Wounded. 

Third Year— Law and Order Under the Belfast Parliament 95 

The "Boys "-"Their Qualifications— Sir James Craig Still Asks for 

The Machine at Work ... ... ... ... ... 98 

Babies Shot— And a Soldier of the King— "Catholic Aggressive- 
ness "—The Collins-Craig Pact and Its Fate— Boycott of Belfast Re- 
moved— Sir James Craig Fails to Make Good— Children Slaughtered 
by Bomb — A Deaf Mute— How a Boy was Murdered — The Old Story — 
Commonplaces— Camouflaged Approval — A Timid Admission — For 
Protestantism — His Master's Voice— How Defenders of Empire were 
Treated— lyaw No Deterrent— Crying in Wilderness— Failure of Pact. 



March, 1922 

Crescendo of Outrage — Samples— A Sniper's Funeral— Ghoulish 
Deed— A Brilliant Ruse— Cry for Martial Law— Craig's Opposition— 
lyord Ivondonderry I^ets Slip a Word— Catholics Bury Protestant 
Victim — Suppression — The MacMahon Massacre — Arn on Street 
Butchery — Inquiry Refused— Policeman Uses Sledge-hammer to 
Murder ex-Soldier. 

April, 1922 

A Fairy Godmother — Pact No. 2— Heads of Agreement between 
the Provisional Government and Government of Northern Ireland — 
The Question : Peace or War ?— The Answer — Who Rules in Belfast ? — 
Field Days— Red Ruin— Women and Babies— St. Matthew's Church 
Again— And a Protestant Church— An Astounding Manifesto— A 
Sample— lyist of Progrom Bombings for 1921. 

May, 1922 

Worst Month of All— An Orange Funeral— Twelve Plus One— Beaten 
and Then Drowned — Frightfulness — Presbytery Attacked — Billy on 
the War Path— Mother and Daughter Murdered— Extensive Burning. 

June. 1922 

Burning a Woman — An Omission— Wholesale Evictions— Refugees 
— Specials Attack Hospital — More Murders — Magistrate on Specials — 
Incendiarism and Murder— The End of a Chapter— Craig's Prison 
Ship— Flogging. 

The White Cross 

List of Those Killed in Belfast Pogrom 

From July, 1920, to June, 1922— Extract from The Irish Bulletin. 

Appendix I. — Letters from Belfast News Letter, professing 
to show that the rapid growth of Catholicism in the 
North-East was a Menace to Protestantism, and giving 
straight Hints as to the Remedy 

Appendix II. — Statistics showing the Absolute and Relative 
Decline of Catholicity in Ulster, going on steadily for 
over Sixty Years 

Appendix III. — Catholics in the Public Services of Belfast 

Appendix IV. — A Contrast. Protestant Testimony to the 
Tolerance and Kindness of the Catholic Majority in 
the South and West of Ireland 

On the Failure of the Pact — Craig to Collins ... 

Collins to Craig 

Reply to the London Spectator's Misleading Article 

Index ... 










This book ought to be read in conjunction with 
some reputable history^ of the Orange Order. 
Then it would be found that little in the following 
narrative is really new ; that the recent eruption in 
N.E. Ulster is but the latest, and most violent, 
perhaps, of a long series, the same in kind if 
differing in degree, which have blotched the story 
of that faction for well over a hundred years. 

We might refer the reader to the third and 
fourth volumes of Lecky's History of Ireland in the 
Nineteenth Century for much valuable information 
about the early days of Orangeism. Lecky as a 
Unionist and a Protestant had considerable sym- 
pathy with the Order which shows itself unmistak- 
ably in some of his pages, but, as an historian, he 
makes, on the whole, a laudable effort to set forth 
the facts fairly. 

As everybody knows, the Orange Society came 
into being on the evening following the '' battle '' 
of the Diamond in County Armagh, 20th Septem- 
ber, 1795, when the assembled Peep o' Day Boys 
took the new name of Orangemen. And then — 

* The Orange Order, by Rev. H. W. Cleary (now Bishop of 
Auckland), London, 1899, could hardly be surpassed as a well- 
written and thoroughly documented book, dealing with the 
subject from a Catholic point of view. 


''A terrible persecution of the Catholics imme- 
diately followed," says Lecky (vol. iii., p. 429), 
'' The animosities between the two religions, which 
had long been little bridled, burst out afresh, and, 
after the battle of the Diamond, the Protestant 
rabble of the county of Armagh, and of part of the 
adjoining counties, determined by continuous out- 
rages to drive the Catholics from the country. 
Their cabins were placarded, or, as it was termed, 
'papered' with the words, *To hell or Connaught,' 
and, if the occupants did not at once abandon them, 
they were attacked at night by an armed mob. 
The webs and looms of the poor Catholic weavers 
were cut and destroyed. Every article of furni- 
ture was shattered or burnt. The houses were 
often set on fire, and the inmates were driven home- 
less into the world. The rioters met with scarcely 
any resistance or disturbance. Twelve or fourteen 
houses were sometimes wrecked in a single night. 
Several Catholic chapels were burnt, and the perse- 
cution which began in Armagh soon extended over 
a wide area in the counties of Tyrone, Down, 
Antrim, and Derry." 

Thus was Orangeism cradled in what we now 
call Pogrom. 

'' On December 28,'' continues Lecky (ibidem), 
*' about three months after the battle of the 
Diamond, the Earl of Gosford, who was governor 
of the county of Armagh, and a large number of 
magistrates of great property and influence met at 
Armagh to consider the state of the country. With 


a single exception, they were all Protestants, and 
among them were three clergymen of the Estab- 
lished Church who were afterwards raised to the 
bench. The opening speech of Lord Gosford has 
often been quoted, and it furnishes the clearest and 
most decisive evidence of the magnitude of the 

*' * It is no secret,' he said, ' that a persecution, 
accompanied with all the circumstances of ferocious 
cruelty which have in all ages distinguished that 
dreadful calamity, is now raging in this county. 
Neither age, nor even acknowledged innocence as 
to the late disturbances, is sufficient to excite 
mercy, much less afford protection. The only 
crime with which the wretched objects of this per- 
secution are charged is a crime of easy proof. 
It is simply a profession of the Roman Catholic 
faith. A lawless banditti have constituted them- 
selves judges of this species of delinquency, and 
the sentence they pronounced is equclUy concise 
and terrible : it is nothing less than a confiscation 
of all property, and immediate banishment. It 
would be extremely painful, and surely unnecessary, 
to detail the horrors that attended the execution of 
so wide and tremendous a proscription, which cer- 
tainly exceeds, in the comparative number of those 
it consigns to ruin and misery, every example that 
ancient and modern history can afford. For where 
have we heard, o!: in what history of human 
cruelties have we read, of more than half the 
inhabitants of a populous country deprived at one 


blow of the means, as well as of the fruits, of their 
industry, and driven, in the midst of an inclement 
winter, to seek shelter for themselves and their 
helpless families where chance may guide them ? 
This is no exaggeration of the horrid scenes now 
acting in this county .... and acting with 
impunity. The spirit of impartial justice (without 
which law is nothing better than a tyranny) has for 
a time disappeared in this county, and the supine- 
ness of the magistracy is a topic of conversation 
in every corner of the kingdom.' 

*' This terrible picture,'' the historian con- 
tinues, '* appears to have been fully acquiesced in 
by the assembled gentlemen." 

Pitt did not hesitate, within a few months, to 
enrol this '* lawless banditti " almost en masse in 
yeomanry corps and employ them, armed and 
quartered on the people, to goad the country into 
a rebellion which they afterwards helped to suppress 
by methods of unspeakable infamy. In like 
manner, only a few months after the outbreak of 
the latest Belfast pogrom we have the lawless 
banditti of the shipyards, the street corners, and 
quarters claiming higher respectability, gathered in 
tens of thousands into a special police force, by 
British authority, and empowered to trample almost 
as they please upon a crushed and hated minority. 

If Orangeism in its infancy was such as above 
described — and no one has ever dared to contro- 
vert this historical indictment — we need not marvel 
at the excesses which have accompanied its growth 


and development. Let those who imagine that in 
later years it might have become possessed by a 
new and better spirit read the reports of the two 
Parliamentary Select Committees of Enquiry into 
the Orange Society in 1835 which led to an Act 
of Parliament suppressing the Order on account of 
its general ruffianism and disloyalty. 

Or let them read the report of an Enquiry into the 
happenings at Dolly's Brae in 1849, 1^ which Mr. 
Walter Berwick, Q.C., Chairman of the Commis- 
sion, describes the work of about three thousand 
armed Orangemen *' as reflecting the deepest 
disgrace on all by whom it was perpetrated or 

Or let them take Reports of the Royal Com- 
missions of Enquiry into the disturbances at Belfast 
in 1857, in 1864, and 1886, where the same tale 
of barbarous intolerance is told by many witnesses, 
chiefly Protestant. From such official reports and 
from dozens of eminent non-Catholic writers the 
Orange Society is condemned as no existing 
organisation we know of has been condemned. 

It is exceedingly pleasant and encouraging to 
reflect that, notwithstanding the blighting works 
of this antiquated and politically-manoeuvred 
organisation, the great masses of Catholics and 
Protestants in Ulster have always as a rule lived 
and worked together in a fine spirit of tolerance 
and mutual kindliness. In at least five cases out 
of six the Protestant will say of the Catholics, and 
the Catholic will say of the Protestants, '' I 


wouldn't ask for a better neighbour/' They may 
see little faults in each other, no doubt, but their 
friendship and respect for each other is as genuine 
as anything else the writer knows in this world. 

There are many thousands of Protestants in 
Ulster who would thrill with horror and indignation 
at the true story of what has happened in Belfast 
and other places in the North-East . But they 
have not heard the truth, and their Press will see 
to it that, so long as it suits a political game, they 
shall not hear the truth. 

And therein is tragedy. 


[The reader is invited to examine the 


21st July, 1920 


This is a question often asked and seldom satis- 
factorily answered. The truth would seem to be 
that in so far as they are inspired by certain people 
in England^ the aim is chiefly anti-National. The 
capitalist encourages them as being anti-Trade 
Union. But on the part of most of the Orange 
agents who carry out the hellish work, the campaign 

* It has long been the aim of British policy to foster sectarian 
rancour in Ireland. Dr. Boulter, an Knglishman, who was Pro- 
testant Archbishop of Armagh, from 1725 to 1738, writing of the 
agitation raised by Dean Swift against VJood's Halfpence, said : 
" The worst of this is that it tends to unite Protestant and Papist, 
and whenever that happens, good-bye to the English interest 
in Ireland for ever." 

" That sentence epitomizes the so-called * Ulster Difficulty '." — 
Professor Koin MacNeil in the Irish Bulletin. 

Referring to the Volunteer Movement of 1782, Thierry says : 
" This spirit of mutual toleration was considered by the Knglish 
Governmeat as extremely formidable ; and it employed all its 
policy to destroy it and to revive the old religious and national 
a nimosities."— /f fs^.o/ N'or»n^/t Conquest, Concl. Sec 4. 


14 BELFAST, 1920 

is simply anti-Catholic. Many of those who in 
North-East Ulster are popularly known as the 
" Unionist Leaders " would seem to be actuated 
by a spirit equally anti-National and anti-Catholic. 
In practice, however, it comes to much the same 
thing, as in Belfast Catholic and Nationalist are 
almost synonymous terms. 

Inasmuch as the general public, and the Press, 
which must occasionally be quoted, have almost 
invariably used the word Catholic instead of 
Nationalist, it will make for clearness to do the 
same here. 


Since the Pogrom of 191 2, when all Catholics were 
temporarily driven out of the shipyard of Workman 
and Clark, Belfast had enjoyed a period of peace 
remarkable for that city. Relations between the 
workers of various creeds had become quite friendly. 
The shipyard strike of 191 9 revealed a wonderful 
thing in the political history of the city. There 
had been growing up steadily and unobtrusively a 
feeling of the solidarity of Labour and a tendency 
to forget the differences of Orange and Green in 
attempts to achieve objects of common interest to 
the workers in Belfast irrespective of creed and 
politics. This movement culminated in the 44-hour 
strike, when the shipyard workers, under the chair- 
manship of a Catholic trade unionist, carried the 
struggle almost to victory. It was probably the 

BELFAST, 1920 15 

only occasion in the industrial history of Belfast 
when the reactionary employing classes of the city 
felt that their hold was slipping and that the old 
game of setting the Protestant and Catholic workers 
at each others' throats was failing. No observer of 
industrial conditions in the North could fail to be 
struck by the fact that sectarian bitterness was all 
to the interests of the employing classes and calcu- 
lated to prevent the free working of the normal 
Trade Union activity, which is found necessary in 
every industrial centre if workers are to maintain 
anything like a decent standard of life, 


The wire-pullers in high places were aghast at the 
apparent failure of the old slogans to carry disunion 
into the workers' camp, and after the collapse of 
the strike they were not long in setting to work to 
make sure that never again should such a situation 
be allowed to develop. The result was the forma- 
tion of the bogus and sectarian trade union called 
the Unionist Labour Party, under the direction of 
Sir Edward Carson, and favoured by the Tory 
employers. The political activities of this party 
were completely successful in driving a solid wedge 
between the Protestant and Catholic workers, and 
in fostering among the former a spirit which was 
soon to show itself in the shipyard pogrom. 

One can only guess at the various devices by 
which the Carsonist leaders stifled the growing 

1 6 BELFAST, 1920 

Spirit of comradeship in the Orange working men. 
But enough to know that it was done, and that 
those who in January stood round the same plat- 
forms and cheered with their brother Catholics were 
ready by July, at the call of Carson, to attack those 
same fellow-workers with the ferocity of wild beasts. 


On the twelfth of July, 1920, at Finaghy, a suburb 
of Belfast, Sir Edward Carson delivered a very 
bitter speech — outlandish, one would say, for any 
man holding such a responsible position — to the 
assembled Orange brethren.^ 

Of course, it was religiously read by all his 
followers in Ulster. The chief theme of the 
harangue was that the loyalists of Ulster were in 
imminent peril from Sinn Fein, that he was losing 
hope of the Government's defending them, and that 
they must be up and doing to protect themselves. 
'* And these are not mere words,'' he said; '' I 
am sick of words without action." 

He dragged in the Catholic Hierarchy and the 
priests. The speech was altogether a good sample 
of the ' ' Raw-head-and-bloody-bones ' ' kind and 
well calculated to excite the fanatical elements. 

Of course, as everyone knows, there was abso- 
lutely no menace of the kind. 

* The Times, July 13th, in an editorial severely censuring Sir 
Edward's outburst, refers to the " Twelfth " celebration the pre- 
vious day as a ** parade of anachronistic intolerance." 

BELFAST, 1920 17 


Between the 12th and the 20th, the Orange Press 
lent itself to the publication in a prominent way of 
a number of letters, some of which may be read 
in the Appendix. There was no camouflage regard- 
ing Sinn Fein here, but a call to battle of Protestant 
against Catholic in Belfast, and, we suppose, every 
other place where they were in a sufficient majority. 
The publication of such shameless letters appealing 
to the lowest instincts of bigotry, in staid news- 
papers claiming to be respectable, was surely very 

Another feature of the time was the continued 
publication day by day, for a week after the Twelfth, 
of speeches of extremists all over Ulster delivered 
on the Twelfth of July platforms urging undying 
conflict with the Church of Rome, and calling on 
the Protestants to prepare to protect themselves 
against an imminent danger. 


For several weeks before the outburst, Catholics 
in the shipyards and other places had hints that 
trouble was brewing. Some of their less reticent 
Protestant mates told them as much, and even 
mentioned the day fixed upon — the 21st of July. 
They preferred, however, to treat such reports as 
bluster, and when '' the day " arrived they went 
as usual to the yards. 

1 8 BELFAST, 1920 

Nearly 5000 of them were employed there, 
efficient men in every department of those great 
concerns; 1,025 of them were ex-service men, 
many of whom had fought for Britain not in one 
but in several wars. Probably more than three- 
fourths of all these workers were at the time 
followers of Joseph Devlin, and politically opposed 
to Sinn Fein. 

THE DAY ARRIVES— 21st JULY, 1920. 

A MEETING of all the Orange elements in the ship- 
yards was called for the dinner hour. Hundreds 
of chalk marks on the wall had been telling those 
in the know to '* Remember the 21st." The 
meeting was a huge one, composed mainly of well- 
paid stay-at-homes who had had the time of their 
lives during the Great War, and it was addressed 
by men of the same stamp. 

Immediately after the meeting a violent onslaught 
was made upon the Catholic employees as well as 
on a dozen or two of Protestants who refused to 
bow the knee to Carson. They were peremptorily 
ordered to clear out. Being in a minority of less 
than one to six, they could not put up a fight with 
any hope of success. Those who could get quietly 
away accepted the inevitable. Many came in for 
various kinds of attack. Hundreds were sur- 
rounded and kicked. Several were thrown into 
water, twenty-five feet deep, and pelted with bolts 
and other missiles as they struggled for life. Even 

BELFAST, 1920 19 

according to the Orange Press — which, as we shall 
see, has hardly admitted any Orange delinquencies 
— men swimming from their pursuers were pelted 
back from the opposite bank, and one man had to 
swim for safety to Sydenham, a mile distant. No 
one was killed outright, but nearly a score of very 
seriously injured were conveyed to hospital, and a 
large number of others badly hurt were treated at 
home. Since that day, now over two years ago, 
no Catholic — with the exception, I understand, of 
one or two office hands — has been allowed to earn 
a living in Belfast's chief industrial concerns, the 
shipbuilding yards. {See letter of Councillor Baird, 
a Protestant expelled, page^o,) 


When all was over, and the Catholics cleared out, 
a force of military arrived, and the pogromists, as 
the Northern Whig (Protestant) informs us, 
*' received the forces of the law with cheers, and 
the singing of loyal choruses." 


The victims of this pogrom — mostly from the dis- 
trict known as the Falls — went to their homes 
depressed and broken enough, one may suppose. 
In the evening, crowds from the notorious anti- 
National district of the Shankill, not content with 
what had been done, assembled at the ends of 
streets leading into the Nationalist quarters and 

20 BELFAST, 192O 

kept up a menacing and offensive demonstration. 
An ugly situation developed. The military duly 
came on the scene. Some rounds were fired. Three 
Nationalists, who were going about their legitimate 
business, were killed and seven seriously wounded. 
The Orange^ aggressors got away almost without 
a scratch. In the meantime, in Ballymacarrett 
(which is the portion of Belfast built on the south 
side of the River Lagan, and where Catholics 
number less than ten thousand out of well over a 
hundred thousand), wholesale looting of Catholic 
shops, and violence to Catholic residents, were 
going on quite unchecked. Such are, in very brief 
outline, the events of the first day of the pogrom 
in Belfast, 


The second day was chiefly marked by unprece- 
dented looting and burning of Catholic property, 
especially in Ballymacarrett. {See Map). The 
Orange mobs, many of them drunk with looted 
whiskey, began early and worked late. When all 
the Catholic shops in the Newtownards Road area 
were cleaned out, they even looted a few belonging 
to their own co-religionists. The air was thick 

* It is not to be inferred, of course, that the mobs who attack 
the persons and property of Catholics in Belfast are all enrolled 
members of the Orange Order. Many of them are only aux- 
iliaries. The writer throughout has preferred to use the term 
*' Orange '• rather than " Protestant," because the former is sub- 
stantially correct, and because he has been loth to associate with 
such disgraceful proceedings the name of a religious body for 
many of whose members he entertains the highest respect. 

BELFAST, 1920 21 

with burnings all day long and throughout the night. 
The various sections of a very efficient fire brigade 
were sorely overworked and much handicapped by 
the frequent cutting of the hose-pipes by the 
frenzied Protestant mobs, who in their strength 
defied a weak and indulgent police. 


At night a large crowd, of whom a great number 
were shipyard workers, attacked the Catholic 
Church of St. Matthew's, a handsome edifice at 
Bryson Street, on the Newtownards Road, and 
surrounded on two sides by the Orange quarters- 
So fierce was the assault that the military were 
compelled to fire, and some lives were lost. 

{"It is ridiculous to state/' says Sir James 
Craig, " that Catholics are being attacked on 
account of their religion!) 


At the subsequent inquest. Lieutenant John F. 
Woodthorpe, ist Norfolk Regiment, gave evidence. 
{See Belfast Press, 10.8.20) : 

** About 7.30 p.m. on the 22nd July, witness saw 
a dense and hostile crowd around the Roman Catholic 
chapel, Bryson Street. They were climbing the rail- 
ings of the cjiapel. Witness rushed up about eighteen 
men and entered the chapel grounds. They managed 
to clear away the crowd who were stoning the church. 
. . . The crowd continued stoning the chapel and 
the troops. Shots were fired and witness gave the 
order to fire." 

22 BELFAST, 1920 

This was one of the extremely rare instances in 
which the military ever fired on an Orange mob 
in Belfast. The jury found that *' The military 
were justified in firing." 

The same witness says in the course of his 
evidence : 

'' On the 22nd (July) dense crowds looted a num- 
ber of shops on the Newtownards Road. The looting 
continued throughout the day. A large proportion 
of the crowd were in a drunken state." 


On that same evening further trouble arose on the 
border of Shankill and Falls districts. Military 
fired several rounds into the Catholic quarters and 
upon the Redemptorist Monastery. Seven people, 
including one of the religious in the monastery, 
were shot dead by this fire, and several were 
wounded. The total casualties for the day were 
twelve dead and forty-six wounded. 

The Press Association, whose correspondent in 
Belfast is always either an Orangeman, or in the 
hands of the Orangemen, gave out that '' sniping 
took place from the tower of the monastery. This 
was returned by the military, who succeeded in 
stopping it." A deliberate falsehood, which, in 
spite of an official denial by the rector, was pub- 
lished throughout the English Press. 

BELFAST, 1920 23 


At the subsequent inquest, a Belfast jury found 
that, in the case leading to Brother Morgan's death, 
'' the firing was entirely unnecessary for the pur- 
pose of suppressing the riot, and was unprovoked 
by the action of any person in the monastery." 


The third day of the pogrom, 23.7.20, was 
marked by continued burnings and the eviction of 
large numbers of Catholics from their homes in 
several of the Protestant parts of the city. 

At about ten o'clock at night a desperate attack 
was made on the convent of the Nuns of the Cross 
and Passion, beside St. Matthew's Church in Bally- 
macarrett."^ The sisters, who devote their lives to 
teaching the children in the adjacent schools, were 
about to retire to rest when the convent was 
attacked by a furious Orange mob, supplied with 
petrol and weapons for breaking in the doors. 
Military were telephoned for, but before their 
arrival the furniture of two rooms had already been 
sprinkled with petrol and set on fire. 


District Inspector Sidley, a Protestant, told 
at a subsequent inquest how he went with a force 
of ten police and seven soldiers, and found the 

* Lord Derby visited and was entertained by the nuns of this 
convent during his mission to Ireland in 1921. 

24 BELFAST, 1920 

convent being attacked by a '' crowd of hundreds/' 
who had got inside the railings, while thousands of 
others on the Newtownards Road adjacent wit- 
nessed the attack. That from these latter shots 
were fired upon his men when trying to defend the 

Constable James Carty described his journey in 
a lorry through the intensely Orange district of 
Newtownards Road, where the mobs were winding 
up a long day's loot and burning of houses belong- 
ing to the sparse Catholic minority. 

** We were assailed,'' he said, ** by a riotous 
mob on Newtownards Road. Several fires were 
ablaze in the side streets. The crowd threw 
stones, bottles, and other missiles at the lorry and 
its occupants who had to shelter at the bottom of 
the vehicle. At Bryson Street the rioters, number- 
ing about four thousand, closed in on the vehicle, 
and the military then fired three or four rounds 
which had the effect of scattering the hostile forces 
into side thoroughfares." Of course the crowd 
were enraged at the military for going to the 
defence of the burning convent, 


Next day the Orange Press took hardly any notice 
of this very disgraceful incident, and the Northern 
Whig told its readers that ' * the attack on the con- 
vent on Newtownards Road last night was the work 
of one or two lads/' 

BELFAST, 1920 25 


It may be pointed out here that the methods of the 
Belfast Orange Press all through the pogrom 
troubles would be incredible even to those familiar 
with the wiles of dishonest journalism in any other 
part of the world. A vast deal of responsibility for 
what has happened in Belfast during the past two 
years must undoubtedly be laid at the doors of three 
Belfast Orange newspapers and their confederates 
abroad. They have been very rightly described as 
ghouls. For suppressing the truth, and for sug- 
gesting, and evenly boldly asserting, the false, they 
are probably without a rival The pogrom was not 
sprung as a surprise on them. They knew what 
was coming, and they were well prepared to do 
their part. Sir Hamar Greenwood had just been 
in office for a few months. His brazen method of 
denying all charges made against the Black and 
Tans, his policy of *' kill, kill, and keep shouting 
murderer " shocked most people, but appealed 
strongly to his admirers in Belfast. For instance, 
on the 22nd July, after the events of the previous 
day described at the beginning of this article, the 
Belfast News Letter, which is regarded as the most 
respectable of the three Orange papers, came out 
with its report under the following caption : 


Serious Disorder on Falls Road. 


Military Shot at and Stoned. 
Three Killed and Several Wounded. 


26 BELFAST, 1920 

This was good for the head-line-reading multitude — 
such as soldiers are, for example. No reference is 
made there to one of the greatest events in Belfast 
history, in view of its results — the expulsion of all 
Catholics from the shipyards. 


And before one serious blow had been struck by 
the victims, and while they were being murdered 
and burned out of the city, the same paper writes 
editorially July 23rd : 

*' Government have a very serious situation to deal 
with. The Sinn Fein mobs are out armed, not for 
rioting in the ordinary way, but for guerilla warfare.'* 

From this attitude these newspapers have never 
departed by a hair's breadth. In the midst of the 
wildest furies of the Orange mobs they have con- 
gratulated them and flattered them for their admir- 
able restraint, '' notwithstanding the frightful 
provocation " they are supposed to have received. 
Sir Edward Carson, and, after him. Sir James Craig, 
adopted the same inexcusable cant. Nothing was 
better calculated to assure the Orange party that 
there were no lengths of bloodshed and destruction 
against Catholics to which they might not go with 


As a sample of how unprejudiced witnesses from 
abroad viewed the position at this time, take from 
among many similar : 

BELFAST, 1920 27 


'* It is common knowledge in Belfast, and fre- 
quently admitted by individual Unionists, that plans 
were matured at least two months ago to drive all 
Home Rule workmen in the shipyards out of their em- 
ployment." — Special Correspondent of the West' 
minster Gazette, 24th July, 1920. 


' * Now that twenty people have been killed and four 
hundred Catholic families turned out of their homes, 
and ;£'i,ooo,ooo worth of damage done, Belfast is 
beginning to come to its senses. Belfast IS in its 
present plight and is faced with future trouble simply 
and solely because there has been an organised 
attempt to deprive Catholic men of their work, and 
to drive Catholic families from their homes." — Daily 
Mail, 1st September, 1920. 

'* Events are developing as I anticipated. Five 
weeks of ruthless persecution by boycott, fire, plunder 
and assault, culminating in a week's wholesale 
violence probably unmatched outside the area of 
Russian or Polish pogroms, have had their inevitable 
result. The Catholic Irish are arming rapidly and 
turning on their tormentors. The character of the 
struggle is changing from hour to hour.*' — Hugh 
Martin in Daily News, ist September, 1920. 


Here is an incident which must not be omitted. 
It shows the kind of thing which the Catholics of 
Belfast are too often up against. 

One day early in the riots, whilst the military 
were protecting St. Matthew's Catholic Church, 
which, as we have seen above, had been violently 
attacked by a large Orange mob, the '' loyalists " 

28 BELFAST, 1920 

mounted two Union Jacks on the pillars of the main 
entrance. A day or two later the Daily Mail had 
in its news columns a large photograph reproduc- 
tion of the flags, the church, and the military, 
under the caption : 

and underneath : 

'* A Protestant Church (in Belfast) guarded 
by his Majesty's troops against the rebels." 

One of the priests of St. Matthew's wrote to the 
Daily Mail asking for a correction of the mistake, 
but none was ever made. 


After an orgy of three or four days, rioting 
abated considerably. The reader doubtless has 
little desire to be told of all the minor outbreaks 
which occurred in the next month, during which 
indeed some lives were lost, several people wounded 
and a great deal of looting took place. 

But it must be pointed out that expulsion from 
work was by no means confined to the shipyards. 
Catholic workers were expelled in large numbers 
from nearly all the engineering works, from most 
of the large factories, from warehouses, shops and 
concerns of every kind, until in the course of a few 
weeks the victims thus excluded from earning their 
bread totalled over 8,000. Scarcely one of them 
has since been allowed to return; 1,225 of the 
expelled were ex-service men. 

BELFAST, 1920 29 


A FUND was opened, and an appeal made to the 
people of the rest of Ireland and of the world at 
large on behalf of the expelled workers. In a 
letter to the Committee in charge of this fund, Most 
Rev. Dr. MacRory, in forwarding a first subscrip- 
tion of ;^ioo, made some apt observations which 
may be quoted here : 

*' I am aware that it was not want of sympathy 
that delayed the appeal until now. We all waited, 
and I think rightly waited, to see what action 
would be taken by the Trades Unions, whose 
rules have been defied, and whose very existence 
threatened by the authors of the Belfast out- 
break. But it now appears that, for the present, 
at any rate, the Trades Unions can do very 
little, and meantime the position of the expelled 
workers, now nearly four weeks without work, is 
becoming desperate, and their wives and children are 
crying for bread. 

*' Every day brings me painful evidence of the 
widespread and bitter destitution. It makes one 
almost despair of human nature to think that these 
expelled workers have been victimised by their own 
fellow-workers. Yet such is, in large measure, the 
fact. For even when all allowance is made for 
secret political and capitalistc influence, and for the 
unholy Carsonite incitement on the 12th of July last 
to religious bigotry, the hard fact remains that it was 
by fellow-workers the victims were driven from their 
works and their homes wrecked and looted. 

** These bullies and their sleek abettors talk glibly 
of Civil and Religious liberty, but they appear from 
their actions not to have even the most elementary 
idea of what either means. 

** Liberty means to them licence to do their own 
sweet will. 

'^A few years ago they entered into a solemn 
covenant binding themselves to defy not only the rest 

30 BELFAST, 1920 

of Ireland but George V. and the British ParUament, 
and now, forsooth, they won't consent to work with 
anyone who has not first professed his allegiance to 
the same George V. 

**And as to Religious liberty, they have on the 
present occasion victimised many thousands for no 
other reason on earth than because they are 


A LETTER from Mr. James Baird, Town Councillor, 
Belfast — a Protestant and expelled worker — to the 
Dublin Evening Telegraph, November nth, 1920, 
and referring to the report of an incident at a meet- 
ing of Belfast Board of Guardians, may not be out 
of place here. He writes : 

*' Lest any of your readers should be misled by the 
report referred to, I take the liberty of putting the 
facts concerning Belfast before them. 

'* On the 2 1st of July, and on succeeding dates, 
every Roman Catholic — whether ex-service man who 
had proved his loyalty to England during the Great 
War, or Sinn Feiner who claims to be loyal to Ireland 
and Ireland alone — was expelled from the shipyards 
and other works; a number were flung into the river 
and while struggling for life were pelted with rivets 
and washers; others were brutally beaten, but the 
majority, hearing of the fate of their fellows, escaped 
injury by beating a hasty retreat, leaving behind 
costly tools and other personal belongings. Almost 
10,000 workers are at present affected, and on 
several occasions men have attempted to resume work 
only to find the * loyal ' men still determined to keep 
them out. I am informed that one Catholic has been 
permitted to start on the Queen's Island — one out of 
thousands, assuming the report is true.*' 

BELFAST, 1920 31 


And here, too, may be recorded the disgraceful 
declaration made by Sir James Craig at the unfurl- 
ing of a Union Jack at the shipyards on October 
the 14th of that same year, 1920. Referring, of 
course, to the pogrom, which included attacks upon 
a church and a small convent of nuns, he said : 

'*I think it only fair that I should be asked a 
question in return, and it is: * Do I approve of the 
action you, boys, have taken in the past?' I say 

He was then Parliamentary Secretary to the 

British Admiralty. He is now Premier of Northern 

Ireland. He has never retracted, but rather 

reiterated that shameful avowal. 


There are wastrels and undesirables in every 
community, of course, and Catholic Belfast had not 
been free from them ; but nearly a hundred per 
cent, of the expelled workers were of the kind that 
would make for the credit and well-being of any city 
— honest, efficient, hard-working. Many of them 
filled well-paid positions, several of them were men 
of the highest expert knowledge. Mr. Davidson, 
head of the great Sirocco Engineering Works, in 
appealing to his Orange workers to try to carry on 
in peace with their Catholic fellow-workers, pointed 
out that a number of these latter were indispensables 
in connection with certain patents possessed by the 

32 BELFAST, 1920 

It was extremely pathetic to see all these, 
through no fault of their own, but owing to the 
frenzied bigotry of the majority of another creed, 
driven out to emigrate from their own city, or face 
starvation, or live on the scanty alms of a charitable 

*' Yes," some will say, *' but they could have 
got back on signing a declaration of loyalty ' ' and 
repudiation of Sinn Fein. Possibly that is so ; 
more probably it is not. The document they were 
asked to sign was simply a '' crawling order '' so 
humiliating, in view of all the circumstances, that 
no man with any self-respect left could put his name 
to it. Its authors, doubtless, had this clearly in 
view when drawing it up. 

The attitude of Lord Pirrie, head of the firm of 
Harland and Wolff's, was, on this occasion, quite 
contemptible. Shortly after the expulsions he 
issued an ambiguous threat about reviewing the 
whole situation in the course of a few days if things 
did not return to normal. As days and weeks 
passed they only became, if anything, more 
abnormal. Yet Lord Pirrie during the past two 
years has done nothing. His published threat has 
remained a dead letter. This one-time professing 
Home Ruler — whatever may have been his motives 
— has stood meekly by whilst the great firm which 
he controls has been permanently turned into a 
purely Orange preserve where an Irish Nationalist 
or Catholic is not allowed to show his face. The 

BELFAST, 1920 33 

mere threat of closing down the works had already 
on former occasions brought the Orange rowdies 
speedily to their senses. Why has nothing been 
done by Lord Pirrie or the other heads of the firm 
to restore fair play since July, 1920 ? 


24th August, 1920 

The week to which the well-known Daily News 
correspondent refers above^ began on the 25th of 
August, 1920, but the furies continued at work for 
nine days. The authorities had taken no advantage 
of the recent lull to prepare for a recrudescence 
which, there is good reason to believe, they foresaw 
almost to a certainty. 

On the opening day a second attack in strong 
force was made by a shipyard mob on St. 
Matthew's Catholic Church. The place was 
\ vigorously defended, until the arrival of the military, 
by the local residents, assisted by a number of 
soldiers off duty, who, being unarmed, had to be 
content to use stones. 

The chief features of this second outbreak were 
the wholesale burning of Catholic property, shops 
and dwellings ; looting, evictions and a very high 
casualty list. 

* See page 27. 


BELFAST, 1920 


The extent of the burnings will be best understood 
by the official list of genuine calls to the jfire brigade 
during that period as supplied to the Press at the 
time. The whole of this destruction was done 
by loyalist mobs. Catholics were not even 
accused of one act of incendiarism — then or for 
over a year afterwards. It has been stated, but 
the writer has been unable to discover any proof of 
it, that in a few cases houses belonging to 
Protestants were burned or damaged from being 
adjacent to houses of Catholics set on fire by the 
Orange mobs. 

25TH AUGUST, 1920. 

The calls to the Belfast Fire Brigade during the day- 
were : — 

10. a.m. 




My Lady's Road 

ards Road 


1 > 

Lord Street 

10.30 ,, 

Fox Street 


1 • 

Albion St., Sandy 

7. 5 p m. 

Lawnbrook Av. 


7.47 „ 

Castlereagh Street 



Templemore St. 

8.19 ,, 

Frome Street 

11 34 

1 • 

Avoniel Street 

8.45 ,, 

Templemore Av. 


1 • 

Castlereagh Road 

8.56 ,, 

Templemore St. 


» » 

Convention Street 

9. 9 .. 

Corner of Brskine 

12. 3 

Isoline Street 



1 1 

Isoline Street 

9.41 ,, 

Portobello Street 


» » 

ord Street 

10. 4 „ 

Solway Street 


Ravensdale Street 

10. 9 „ 

Beersbridge Road 


• 1 

Avoniel Road 

10.43 .. 

Beersbridge Road 


1 1 

Lord Street 

BELFAST, 1920 

26TH AUGUST, 1920. 




Westbourne Street 



Seaforde Street 



Hornby Street 


1 1 

Canton Street 


Templemore St. 


t • 

Beersbridge Road 

1. 3 

Hornby Street 



Albert Bridge Rd. 


Dee Street 


» t 

Beersbridge Road 


Canton Street 

10. 4 

t » 

Beersbridge Road 


My Lady's Road 

11. 8 

1 1 

Newtownards Rd. 


Foundry Street 

11. 8 


Lord Street 


Belvoir Street 


> > 

Templemore Av. 


Westbourne Street 

11 18 

f 1 

My Lady's Road 


Solway Street 


• 1 

Woodstock Road 


Templemore Av. 


1 1 

Canning Street 


Templemore St. 


» » 

Grove Street 

6. 1 

Foundry Street 


• 1 

Castlereagh Rd. 


Templemore St. 


1 > 

Mount Street 





Templemore Av. 


p m. 

Albert Bridge Rd. 

9. 7 


Castlereagh Road 


1 1 

Lawnbrook Av. 

11 43 


Clandeboy Street 



Castlereagh Road 


p m. 

44 Lord Street 


1 1 

Castlereagh Road 



My Lady's Road 


» 1 

Lord Street 



Belvoir Street 


> t 

Kenbawn Street 


} 1 

115 Castlereagh 


1 • 

Chadolly Street 



1 1 

Castlereagh Road 


» 1 

Newtownards Rd. 

9. 4 

> 1 

Foundry Street 


1 » 

Castlereagh Road 


f t 

Chadolly Street 


1 » 

Charles St. south 

11. 1 

f i 

Eliza Street 


1 1 

Chadolly Street 


t > 

Castlereagh Road 





City Street 



Pernau Street 


, J 

Lower Mount St. 


1 1 

Langley Street 


1 1 

Tennant Street 


» • 

Carnan Street 


1 1 

Linfield Street 


1 1 

Langley Street 


1 1 

Hillman Street 


1 1 

Tennant Street 


1 f 

Gooseberry Street 


1 1 

Langley Street 


> 1 

Langley Street 


1 f 

Berlin Street 

6. 3 

1 » 

Agnes Street 



Berlin Street 


1 1 

Byron Street 


• t 

Nixon Street 


1 1 

Berlin Street 


> • 

Mathcett Street 


• > 

Langley Street 

10. 3 

f f 

City Street 


f > 

Tennant Street 


1 1 

Hillman Street 


1 1 

Tennant Street 


1 1 

Tennant Street 


1 1 

Silvio Street 

10 45 

• • 

Snugville Street 


t > 

Upper Riga Street 


City Street 


> f 

Louisa Street 


1 1 

Nixon Street 



Berlin Street 

12. 1 


Urney Street 


> t 

Oldpark Road 

36 BELFAST, 1920 

29TH AND 30TH AUGUST, 1920. 

11. 2 


Boundary Street 



Rosemary Street 

1. 9 

> f 

Gertrude Street 

8. 5 

Vere Street 



Sugarfield Street 


Everton Street 


Langley Street 


Hillview Street 


Wellwood Street 


Glenview Street 


Leadbeater Street 

9. 1 

Dundee Street 


Snugville Street 


Moscow Street 


Woodvale Park 


Riga Street 

Fire Alarm 


Albion Street 


Malvern Street 


Everton Street 


Craven Street 


Crimea Street 

5. 5 

Walton Street 


Tennant Street 


Conlon Street 


Albion Street 


Langwell Street 


St. Leonard Stree* 


Silvio street 


Rowan Street 


Hemsworth Street 


Bryson Street 


York Street 


Albion Street 

7. 3 

Vere Street 


Agnes Street 

7. 3 

Dundee Street 



Agnes Street 

7. 9 

Agnes Street 

31ST AUGUST, 1920 



Agnes Street 

9.10 p.m. 

Danube Street 


Tennant Street 

9.12 ,, 

Hanna Street 


Tennant Street 

9.12 ., 

Glenfarne Street 


Old Lodge Road 

9.20 ,, 

Rowan Street 


Hanover Street 

9.59 ,, 

Heather Street 


Unity Street 

10. „ 

Albion Street 


St. Leonard Street 

10,14 , 

McLure Street 


Brookmount St, 

10 26 ., 

Florence Place 


Bristol Street 

10.35 ., 

Albion Street 


Old Lodge Road 

10.47 ., 

Bankmore Street 


Agnes Street 




Agnes Street 

1. p.m. 

Shankill Road 


North Street 

1.48 ,. 

Albion Street 


Library Street 

1.53 ., 

Shankill Road 

10 23 

Dundee Street 

2. 6 ,, 

Agnes Street 


Donegall Road 

2.24 ,, 

Tennant Street 


St. Leonard Street 

2.45 ., 

Danube Street 

BELFAST, 1920 37 


The special correspondent of the Daily News 
writing from Belfast on the last day of August, 
1920, says : — 

'* All but a very few of the business premises of 
Belfast Catholics, except those in the very heart of 
the city, or in the Catholic stronghold known as the 
Falls, have now been destroyed. 

** Twenty fires were ablaze at once in the Shankill 
Road area last night, and the fire engines are still 
passing and repassing as I write. 

** The total number of serious conflagrations dur- 
ing the past six days now stands at 180, or consider- 
ably more than one an hour over the whole of that 
period. If small fires were added the total would be 
doubled. The value of the damage is in the neigh- 
bourhood of a million sterling for the city of Belfast 
alone, while outlying towns have also suffered 

** Practically the whole of this damage has been done 
to the property of Catholics, 

* ' But the entire body of ratepayers is legally 
chargeable for compensation. 

** Belfast has thus been brought by the anti- 
Catholic campaign to the verge of bankruptcy. 

** Seventeen people have been killed in street fight- 
ing, one hundred and seventy seriously injured, and 
at least a thousand slightly hurt. 

** The quantity of goods looted from Catholics 
has been prodigious, and the character of the loot 
has naturally added to the savagery of the fighting. 
This sort of brigandage has been going forward to- 
day since early morning in the Shankill district where 
last night's fires occurred. 

** Hundreds of workingmen's homes are now 
stocked with looted whiskey. 

**In the old days the business of spirit grocery 
was one of the very few that Catholics were allowed 

38 BELFAST, 1920 

to carry on. Hence the trade was, up till a week 
ago, very largely in their hands. It is to-day on the 

Eoint of extinction. The Catholics are, however, still 
ghting with the fury of desperation. Although it is 
impossible to save their shops, they are making a 
stand for their homes." 


During the first day of this outbreak Bally- 
macarrett was the chief storm centre. In addition 
to a second attack on St. Matthew's Church, the 
Orange shipyard workers made an onslaught on 
a number of defenceless Catholics working at the 
coal quays which has not been surpassed for 
savagery since the trouble began. The usual 
surging crowds came along from the yards, and, 
finding some of their old Catholic ' ' mates ' ' who 
had been expelled, and had taken work unloading 
coal at the quays, they fell upon them with every 
available weapon of attack Some of them were 
beaten with sticks and kicked to unconsciousness ; 
others were hurled into the water or coal bunkers ; 
a few escaped in shirt and trousers A more dis- 
graceful or more cruel performance could not well 
be imagined. 


On the same day, 26th August, during a general 
riot and the burning of thirty-six houses of Catholics 
in Ballymacarrett, the house of a Mrs. McLean 
was burned. Her little girl of six was knocked 
down and actually kicked by a full-grown member 

BELFAST, 1920 39 

of the Orange crowd. A bottle of petrol was 
poured on the child and an attempt made to set her 
on fire. The mother managed to drag her away, 
and fought her way ouj of the crowd into a Catholic 


An undertaker's shop and the shop of a man called 
Lennon were burned on the Newtownards Road 
with the military ** on duty '' standing inactive a 
few yards away. 

The Orange rowdies were allowed to march in 
thousands behind armoured cars, under the very 
shelter of which they repeatedly fired into Catholic 
streets, especially Seaforde Street. 

** I saw,** says the special correspondent of the 
Daily Mail, '* huge heaps of paving stones, the 
favourite ammunition of the Belfast street-fighter. 
The Orangemen invariably fight under the Union 
Jack, and, when the soldiers appear, the rioters wave 
the flag and shout, * We are loyalists'." 


During this frightful time Catholic families in 
hundreds were evicted from their homes by the 
Orange party in most of the Protestant quarters. 
At least a couple of thousand people were driven 
out in this way. Large numbers of them were 
given a shelter in the already congested Nationalist 
areas, hundreds had to lodge in schoolhouses, stores 
and even stables. Several slept in tents on ground 

40 BELFAST, 1920 

adjoining churches. Large numbers of still more 
unlucky ones had to wander the streets in fruitless 
search all day, and sleep in the open by night. Of 
course, their eviction left far more houses in the 
hands of the loyalist mobs than they could get 
people of their own to occupy. A few Protestants 
from Catholic districts made friendly exchanges 
with Catholics in Protestant quarters. Many 
others when asked to do so refused. In a relatively 
small number of cases — not over sixty at most — 
Protestants were compelled to clear out Eviction 
of this kind did not leave them homeless, as they 
could find ample accommodation in houses from 
which Catholics had been driven. 

It may have been a coincidence, but at any rate 
it is a fact, that the ''competent military authority*' 
which had looked on without a word or a gesture 
whilst hundreds of Catholic families were being 
ruthlessly thrown out became suddenly active and 
vocal as soon as a few Protestants were interfered 
with. General Bainbridge, head of the Forces in 
Belfast, issued a strong order against the evictions, 
declaring that '' this barbarism must cease." As 
a matter of fact it has never ceased on the part of 
the Orange mobs. 


Curfew was imposed on the city on the 30th of 
August, and had the immediate effect of easing the 
situation so far as street fighting was concerned. 

BELFAST, 1920 41 

The remainder of the year had no further 
outbursts so violent as those of July and August, 
but was not without frequent troubles and some 
ghastly tragedies. 

One of these latter occurred on the night of the 
26th of September, and marks the first appearance 
in Belfast of undisguised murder by forces of the 
Crown. A policeman had been shot dead and 
another wounded at a place called Broadway at 
about eleven o'clock at night. After midnight, 
three most respectable men were dragged from their 
beds and murdered in cold blood by members of 
the R.I.C. There is no doubt whatever as to what 
the murderers were ; in fact they seemed to take 
little or no pains to hide their identity. The names 
of the victims were Edward Trodden, John 
McFadden and James Gay nor. 


A SERIOUS occurrence took place in what is known 
as the Marrowbone district, a small Catholic colony 
of little over a thousand in the midst of a surround- 
ing Protestant population of at least forty to one. 
This unfortunate locality had been fearfully harried 
by the Orange rioters ever since July. For the 
second time within a few weeks, the Catholic 
Church of the Sacred Heart there was, on the i6th 
October, fired at with revolvers and stones by a 
large Orange crowd returning from a football match 
in the vicinity. 

42 BELFAST, 1920 


Some of the shots passed through the windows of 
a house belonging to a Mrs. O'Neill which was in 
the line of fire. She was waking her dead child 
at the time. In the middle of the tumult she took 
up the corpse from the bed and fled with it by a 
back way and through the streets to a place of 
greater safety. A number of Catholic youths 
assisted the police in trying to hold back the 
assailants. The military arrived in an armoured 
car, ran over and killed one man on the street, 
fired and killed a couple more, and wounded 
several. The Orange crowd ran off helter-skelter, 
seeking shelter even in a number of Catholic 
houses. In no case were they refused admission. 


The Orange Press, as usual, wrote up reports next 
day of how harmless Protestants, innocently return- 
ing from a football match, were, suddenly and 
without any provocation, fired upon by murderous 
Sinn Fein gunmen from the side streets. There 
is no suggestion whatever that the Protestants 
began the trouble by attacking the Catholic 


Four Catholic young men, arrested on this occa- 
sion for using firearms, were tried at the following 
Winter Assizes, December nth, 1920, and found 

BELFAST, 1920 43 

guilty. The Jury — chiefly non-Catholic- — added a 
rider : 

"We recommend the prisoners to the greatest 
mercy of the judge because of the extreme provoca- 
tion they received owing to the attack on their place 
of worship.*' 

His Lordship remarked that that was a very wise 
and discriminating verdict. 


At the Winter Assizes held in Belfast a large 
number of loyalists were charged on remand 
with various outrages, mostly of a very serious kind, 
perpetrated upon Catholics during the course of the 
riots. Mr. Justice Pim, at the opening of the pro- 
ceedings said, as reported in the Press : 

*' It was a terrible thing, because one section 
differed from another, that men belonging to the 
smaller section, no matter what the provocation, 
should be driven out of their work, that their wives 
and children should be attacked and their houses 
burned. That was a shocking state of affairs, and 
one which he knew well — because he had lived in 
Belfast — that the great mass of Belfast citizens were 
heartily ashamed of and very indignant about." 

Of course the blessed word * * provocation ' ' was 
to be expected in the circumstances. It may also 
be remarked that the ** majority'' of Belfast 
citizens have managed most effectually to conceal 
their feelings of ' ' shame and indignation ' ' now for 
two full years. 

44 BELFAST, 1920 


The same Mr. Justice Pirn also said, on January 
the 19th, 1 92 1, that he was glad it was the last 
day of the Assizes, for he had been greatly grieved 
by the amount of perjury which he had heard all 
through the proceedings. Undoubtedly, he said, 
there had been a riot on the occasion of the last 
case, and it would have been sufficient for the wit- 
nesses (Orange) for the defence to have said 
that the accused were not there ; but they said that 
there had been no riot at all, 


The trial of Henry McGrath, a Catholic youth, on 
the capital charge for the fatal shooting of Joseph 
McLeod, a Protestant, affords a fair example of 
how far the Orange party will go in their determina- 
tion to secure a victim from the Catholic side. A 
long array of witnesses for the prosecution swore, 
one after another, that they were present and 
plainly saw McGrath, whom they had known well 
for years, fire the shot which killed McLeod, that 
thereupon he waved his cap and cried '' Up the 
Rebels,'' with several other details. The evidence 
of an expert witness for the defence submitted that 
it would have been impossible for McGrath to have 
shot McLeod from the place where those people 
swore he was stationed at the time, and the jury 
were requested to go and examine for themselves. 
The trial was adjourned and the jury (mainly 

BELFAST, 1920 45 

Protestants) did so, and were quite satisfied. 
McGrath was declared '' Not guilty.'* As a 
matter of fact it would appear that this young man 
had never handled any firearm in his life. The 
whole evidence in the case, as given in the Press, 
is well worth reading. There can be no question 
but that there was a conspiracy to swear away the 
life of an innocent person and wholesale perjury. 
Yet none of the witnesses were proceeded against 
on that count. 

At the end of the same Assizes the Irish News, 
the local Nationalist paper, had good reason to 
write : 

" Active instruments of the pogrom have for the 
most part no reason for complaint. Many of them 
were cheerfully acquitted — against the weight of the 
evidence; others were reluctantly convicted; in a large 
majority of cases the sentences passed were quite 
incommensurate with the crimes clearly proved. It 
is to be feared that several members of the community 
will regard rioting, incendiarism, looting, and other 
forms of plundering as forms of amusement, combm- 
ing pleasure and profit with a minimum of peril, after 
the experience of the last seven weeks m the law 
courts. However, it is well that even a modicum of 
justice was done in some cases." 



The story of Belfast during the period already 
under review is one of aggression and persecution 

4-6 BELFAST, 1920 

of an eminently ferocious kind by the Orange 
majority against the Catholic minority. Of course 
nobody expects that the persecutors will admit 
this, though the whole facts of the case cry out in 
condemnation against them. They have immense 
advantages on their side in trying to cloak their 
guilt or even to transfer it to their victims . The Press 
is their great weapon ; for no judicial inquiries have 
been held, and the Belfast Government have clearly 
made up their minds that none shall be held. And 
see how the Press stands. The Orange party have 
three strong daily papers, with a wide local and 
considerable overseas circulation. Financial con- 
siderations alone keep them from amalgamation, for 
they all cry with the same political and sectarian 


In the offices of one or other of these three Orange 
papers are found, as has been said, the corre- 
spondents of all the principal news agencies and of 
many of the great journals abroad. They have 
confederates in England, Scotland, America and 
elsewhere who chant the daily chorus with them. 
When anything important takes place in Belfast 
their version of it is round the world without a 
moment's delay. Where Catholics are concerned 
such reports are hardly ever fair, are often partly 
false, and sometimes entirely so. When a lie gets 
a good start the truth has little chance of overtaking 

BELFAST, 1920 47 

The Catholics of Belfast have been cruelly handi- 
capped in this matter of Press propaganda. They 
possess only one daily newspaper, a bright and well- 
written one, but its local circulation is small, and 
its influence outside practically nil. The Ulster 
Protestant counts chiefly on British public opinion, 
and he has the bulk of the British Press ready to 
mould that opinion in his favour. The Ulster 
Catholic has few journalistic friends across the 
Channel, and hardly a paper to publish a half- 
column in his favour without a grudge. 


The Orangeman seems to live and to thrive on 
catch-cries. But the catch-cries upon which he has 
relied most during all the atrocities he has been 
committing on his Catholic neighbours are these 
two : *' Sinn Fein Gunmen '' and '' Provocation." 
When the Orangemen from day to day made the 
Catholic quarters, such as Ballymacarrett, a hell ; 
when their snipers manned the house-tops and even 
when they carried their rifles openly in the streets 
under the eye of the Crown forces, the Orange 
Press had but one cry — '' Outrages of Sinn Fein 
Gunmen.'' It did not matter that a number of 
Catholics were killed, and nobody killed but 
Catholics — the cry still went up : ' * The Sinn Fein 
Gunmen." And, of course, the cry has largely 
prevailed ; their friends in Britain believe — partly 
because they wish so to believe — that most of the 

48 BELFAST, 1920 

crimes in Belfast are due to '' Sinn Fein Gun- 


Their other great cry is '* Provocation/' When 
they started out on the pogrom, drove the Catholics 
out of work, and were trying to burn them out of 
the whole city, their papers told them to continue 
to practise their well-known restraint, notwith- 
standing the '' frightful provocation " which was 
being offered them. Carson himself sent a 
message in the same terms from London when they 
were in a very frenzy of crime against a helpless 


Rioting, or sectarian trouble of any kind, has 
always had a special horror for the Belfast Catholic. 
He knows from long experience the overwhelming 
forces arrayed against him. He is like a man in 
his shirt against three armed men in an armoured 

The Unionist party are more than three to one 
against him numerically. They control every 
department of the civic administration. The 
heads of the police are of their very own ; the heads 
of the military are the guests in their drawing- 
rooms, the habitues of their clubs, often of the 
private '' lodges.'' Their law courts, at least in 
times of turmoil, are redolent as a rule of strong 
partisanship. He is liable to suffer at the hands 

BELFAST, 1920 49 

of employers, to be attacked by fellow-workers. If 
a row gets up on the street the batons of the 
police — even those of his own co-religionists — and 
the rifles of the military are in nine cases out of ten 
turned on him. He has seen too often the 
aggressive Orange mobs assisted by the forces of 
the Crown, shielded and encouraged by the agents 
of the law. He has no stomach for a fight under 
such conditions. 


When the Orange party, acting promptly on the 
summons to carry out an anti-Catholic pogrom, had 
already shocked the feelings of many people in 
these islands and beyond, and found themselves 
challenged by British Trade Unionism, they 
thought it well to advance some kind of excuse for 
their inhuman actions. 

Several rather conflicting ones were put forward 
by their apologists. One was that the whole 
onslaught was a reprisal for the death of a Ban- 
bridge man killed in Cork ! Sufficient evidence, 
however, went to show clearly that the campaign 
was already planned in detail weeks, at least, before 
anything happened to the Banbridge man. Some- 
times they said it was a rising up against Sinn Fein 
violence in Belfast, more frequently that it was on 
account of Sinn Fein outrages in other parts of 

The story that came to hold the field, and which 

50 BELFAST, 192O 

their spokesmen have on the points of their tongues, 
is as follows : 

.When the call went out for men to defend the 
Empire in the Great War the Protestants of the 
shipyards rushed to the colours in great numbers, 
leaving well-paid jobs vacant behind. These were 
soon taken by Sinn Fein shirkers from the ' ' South 
and West." When the War was over and won, 
the men from the shipyards, who were promised 
that their jobs would be kept for them on their 
return, came back to find that those jobs were now 
filled by shirkers, and that they themselves were 
compelled to walk the streets idle. After a while, 
they say, human nature asserted itself. The in- 
truders were driven out, and the returned warriors 

This is an attractive story, no doubt. Let us 
examine the facts a little. 

(a) It is doubtful if even as many as 5 per cent, 
of the shipyard workers ever went out of the 
country or fired a shot in the War. For reasons 
probably best known to Carson and his entourage 
the vast majority of those who did * ' join up ' ' were 
speedily brought back and re-employed in the ship- 
yards and engineering concerns as *' munition 
workers '* at bloated wages. Their jobs were 
never in question. In proportion to their number, 
at least as many Catholic as Protestant shipyard 
workers went out and fought. 

(b) At no time during the War were there more 

BELFAST, 1920 51 

than a handful of people from the South and West 
working in the Belfast shipyards, and most of those 
were sent at the request of the heads of those firms 
from branches of the Labour Exchange. 

(c) Over 90 per cent, of those driven from work 
— chiefly by stay-at-homes — ^were citizens of Bel- 
fast. Over two thousand women and girls were 
expelled and are still excluded from employment in 
factories, warehouses, etc. What is the reason in 
their case ? 

(d) Catholics of North and South had done at 
least as much as their Protestant fellow-countrymen 
to help to win the War — all cant and blowing of 
horns notwithstanding. It may not be remembered 
that some thousands of Catholics were drafted into 
the *' Ulster " Division in an effort to bring it up 
to strength. 

(e) Fully 20 per cent, of the Catholics expelled 
from the shipyards were ex-soldiers. 


No persecuted people, perhaps, have ever had such 
a cause to put before the world. Yet such is the 
power of strong, unscrupulous Press propaganda, 
that to-day two out of every three people in Eng- 
land and elsewhere think that Belfast '' loyalists " 
are being frightfully treated, and even murdered, 
by Catholics called Sinn Feiners ; and a few months 
ago the Orange Premier, Sir James Craig, said he 
was dead against introducing martial law lest people 

52 BELFAST, 1920 

in England might think one side was as bad as the 
other ! The Turk has the Armenian in the dock 
charged with massacre, and is seemingly on the 
point of securing a conviction, 


Even before the actual outbreak of the pogrom the 
leaders of Ulster Orangeism showed clearly that 
they were determined to have Orangeism armed, 
and that, too, by the British Government. This 
was clear from Sir Edward Carson's speech on the 
Twelfth of July, and from the speeches on nearly 
every platform in Ulster that day. 

The Ulster Volunteer Force — ^which in this con- 
nection is only another name for the rabble of the 
Orange lodges — were to be reorganised and armed, 
of course. 


Next day (13th July, 1920) the London Times 
said editorially : 

*' If, indeed, that organisation were revived as a 
defensive police force for Ulster the most serious con- 
sequence would almost certainly ensue. Upon Sir 
Edward Carson lies largely the blame for having sown 
the dragon's teeth in Ireland. We cannot but warn him 
that, whatever provocation Sinn Fein may have 
offered to Ulster Unionism, the British people are not 
prepared to endorse any counter-provocation from the 
Ulster Volunteers." 

The Government turned down Carson's proposal 

and the Ulster Press and the Ulster lodges showed 

much wrath. 

BELFAST, 1920 53 


Then the pogromists broke loose on their fiendish 
work in Belfast. Carson's proposal, so shocking 
even in the best of times to those who know the 
North-east, ought now to have seemed, not only 
grotesque, but unthinkable. But the agitation was 
kept up in the Press and all kinds of underhand 
influences were at work. Will it be believed that 
the pogromists of the shipyards had the audacity to 
send a deputation to the Government in London 
demanding to be organised into a police force and 
armed ? Will it be believed, too, that the Govern- 
ment showed signs of surrender immediately after, 
and sent over Sir James Craig, who was then 
Secretary to the Admiralty, as their representative 
to discuss the subject with the Ulster Unionist 
Council ? 

To the Catholics of Belfast the whole scheme was 
too revolting for serious thought or question. The 
Press outside Belfast and one or two papers across 
the water were very outspoken. 


The special correspondent of The Times wired 
his paper from Belfast (ist September) : 

"I understand that the private meeting of the 
Ulster Unionist Council to be held on Friday will be 
addressed by Sir James Craig on behalf of the Govern- 
ment. The purpose of the meeting will be to discuss 
an offer which has been made to the Government that 
the Ulster Volunteers should be taken over by the 
military authorities and used as a force for maintain- 

54 BELFAST, 1920 

ing order in the province of Ulster. The suggestion 
is that the Government should arm and equip them. 
Moderate men with whom I discussed the 
matter to-day said they could hardly believe that the 
Government would take such a dangerous step as to 
arm the Ulster Volunteers and use them anywhere in 
Iieland. Such action, in their view, would produce 

most disastrous results Open ciml war 

could hardly be avoided.'* 

The Daily Mail said (15th September, 1920) : 

" It is not very surprising that the official proposal 
to arm 'well disposed' citizens to 'assist the 
authorities ' in Belfast should have raised serious 
question of the sanity of the Government. It seems 
to me to be the most outrageous thing which they 

have ever done in Ireland A citizen of 

Belfast who is * well disposed ' to the British Govern- 
ment is almost, from the nature of the case, an 
Orangeman, or, at any rate, a vehement anti-Sinn 
Feiner. These are the very people who have been 
looting Catholic shops and driving thousands of Catholic 
women and children from their homes. 

**We hope it may still be possible to stay the 
horrors which the execution of this incredible order 
will almost certainly entail. If it is not, and if the 
expected results follow, there can be no hope left of 
rehabilitating the shaken credit of the British Govern- 
ment in Ireland." 


The British Government, in the face of all protest, 
proceeded to organise and arm those Orange hordes 
— pogromists, looters, incendiaries and untried 
murderers a goodly portion of them — under the 
name of a Special Police Force. It need only be 
said here, as their records up to date clearly show, 
that, as a body, their misdeeds surpass the worst 

BELFAST, 1920 55 

that was ever anticipated. It would be unfair, in 
making this statement, not to add that there are, no 
doubt, many respectable and well-meaning men to 
be found amongst them. 


The ruthless expulsion of thousands of Nationalists 
from their employment in Belfast and some other 
industrial centres in the North-East, the killing and 
wounding of many of them, the wholesale burning 
of their shops and dwellings, the systematic looting, 
wrecking and eviction naturally aroused the fiercest 
indignation in other parts of Ireland. When it was 
seen that not one protesting voice was raised from 
the Protestant side, the National resentment turned 
against Unionist Belfast as a whole. Belfast has been 
the shopkeeper for the greater part of the country. 
That Belfast men were satisfactory in commercial 
dealings no one was going to deny. But they 
seemed to think themselves indispensable and that 
was what nobody was going to admit. 

A number of Protestant merchants in the South, 
who had long been traders with the Ulster capital, 
ashamed of the conduct of their co-religionists 
there, decided to break all business connections 
with Belfast until people there began to behave 
in a less barbarous manner. This movement 
spread, and in August an appeal was made to Diil 
Eireann, as the National authority, to impose a ban 
on Belfast trade with the rest of Ireland. The 

56 BELFAST, 1920 

Dail did not act precipitately. It issued a decree 
declaring it illegal to impose a religious or political 
test as a condition of employment in industrial con- 
cerns. In Belfast such tests continued to be im- 
posed in defiance of this decree. An embargo was 
in due course placed upon Belfast trade. 

Opinions differ as to the wisdom of such a course 
and a good deal has been said and written pro and 
con. Into that question it is not necessary to 
enter further here. Enough to say that the whole- 
sale merchants of Belfast and four other northern 
towns, specially named, suffered very severely, that 
many industries catering largely for Irish trade were 
sorely crippled, that northern banks with branches 
throughout the country were badly hit, and that 
indirectly a great many other interests were 

The boycott, no doubt, was well deserved, but 
it was a drastic and unpleasant measure ; and all 
Irishmen, North and South, sincerely hope that 
present troubles may end in some reasonable settle- 
ment which will remove for ever the causes that led 
to such action being taken. 



The first three months of 1921 were relatively 
quiet in Belfast. During that time only twelve 
lives were lost through violence, and probably not 
more than twice that number seriously wounded. 
Holding-up and highway robbery were now becom- 
ing things of daily occurrence in Belfast and sur- 


On the evening of April 23rd, two members of the 
Auxiliary Police were fired at and shot in Donegall 
Place. During Curfew the following night Patrick 
and Daniel Duffin, two of the most respected and 
well-conducted Catholic young men in the city, 
were very brutally murdered in their homes by 
members of the local R.I.C. Their funeral was 
made a public demonstration of respect and pro- 

58 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

As a sample of lying propaganda, it may be 
recorded that a certain News Agency sent out 
photographs, which were widely published in 
America under the description : 

'' In strife-stricken Belfast — Scene at funeral 
of the brothers Patrick and Daniel Dufifin, 
members of the Auxiliary Force of the 
R.I.C., murdered by Sinn Feiners." 

As a matter of fact their coffins were wrapped in 
the Republican colours and carried behind the 
hearse by relays of the I.R.A. 

Here is a summary of the chief events of the 
remaining months of 192 1 : 


3. — Appointment of Catholic Viceroy strongly 
resented by *' loyalist*' speakers, especially Coun- 
cillor Twaddell. 

7. — District Inspector Ferris attacked and seriously 
wounded in Cavendish Street. 

18. — ** Loyalists " behave very badly in various 
areas. A procession with band on Newtownards 
Road fired heavily into Catholic streets, killing one 
man, John Smyth, and wounding several. 

22. — Election Farce. — Polling day. Election 
rendered a complete farce in all loyalist parts of 
the city by Orange savagery and intimidation. 
Revolvers, knives, sticks, stones, assaults on per- 
sonation agents, smashing of vehicles, etc. used to 
prevent Nationalists from recording their votes. 
Nineteen serious hospital cases. Authorities took 

BELFAST, 1 92 1 59 

no serious steps to protect the minority. No 
counter-charge made against Nationalist in 
Nationalist districts. 

25. — Further disturbances. Thomas Reilly, R.C., 
Butler Street, shot dead. 

Statistics for May: Six people — all CathoHcs — 

Forty-two people — mostly Catholics — wounded. 


10.— Constable Glover killed, and Constables Sulli- 
van and Sharkey wounded. 

10. — First Bomb. — Squabble in York Street area 
develops into serious rioting. Large Orange mob 
invades Dock Street, Bomb thrown into Catholic 
quarter, Dock Lane, seriously wounds three persons, 
one of whom succumbs later. Twenty hospital cases. 

12. — Dark Murder, — In the early hours of this 
morning, and during Curfew, three shocking mur- 
ders were perpetrated, clearly by one or other 
branch of the Crown Forces. The victims, who 
were taken from their beds, brought off some dis- 
tance in motors, shot dead and then left lying by 
the wayside, were: Alexander McBride (30), 
publican; Malachy Halfpenny (22), ex-soldier; 
William Kerr (26), hairdresser. All three were 

P;~rThree additional CathoHcs and one Protestant 
killed m York Street area. Five wounded. The two 
Cathohcs, Patrick MilHgan and Joe Millar, were 
murdered in their own homes by men in uniform. 

13. — Sniping prevalent. Orange gunmen fire on 
police protecting Catholic workers outside Gallagher's 

6o BELFAST, 1 92 1 

tobacco factory in Protestant area. Several houses 
wrecked and people injured. The house of Mrs. 
Kerr, 42, Vere Street, was attacked and partly 
wrecked. She had received a letter from the King 
only that morning with memorial placque for her 
husband who had died in the War. She is a Catholic. 

14. — Centre of the Catholic district of Falls Road 
in a state of siege throughout a great part of the day. 
Houses looted. Three killed and seven wounded. 

15. — More sniping. Catholic policeman and 
Catholic barman wounded. 

15. — Funerals of five Catholic victims to-day. 
Shocking details revealed of the murders of Milligan 
and Millar bv men in uniform who are said to have, 
been Special Constables. 

Mrs. Milligan says of death of her husband, 
John Milligan (24) on the 12th, that he was 
murdered by Specials with bayonets on rifles. 

They pulled John out of a shed in the yard, saying, 
** Come out — you bastard, you," and shot him dead 
at 10 p.m., Sunday, 12th June. They then threw 
the wife and child out on the street. 

Four Specials burst open the door of Joseph 
Millar, 2, Dock Lane, when he was preparing for bed. 
They did not speak, but pulled Millar downstairs. 
He asked to get speaking to his wife and child. They 
replied by obscene expressions. They dragged him 
to the street and shot him dead there. 

20. — It has been ascertained that the number of 
Catholic families evicted during the past few days 
amounts to close on 150. One of them was Patrick 
O'Hare, his wife and children, of Urney Street. 
O'Hare was a soldier of the Connaught Rangers, 
home on furlough and in uniform. The * loyalists * 
dragged him out of his home and threatened to shoot 
him if he did not clear out of the locality. 

Statistics for June: Fourteen killed; seventy-six 


7.' — Shooting. Raids. Fierce attack on Catholic 
seamen on steamship ** Baltic'* by Orange mob. 
Men beaten and driven off the ship. 

BELFAST, 192 1 61 

9. — Midnight. Beginning of an unprecedented 
display of f rightfulness. Lorries of Crown Forces 
invade Raglan Street in the heart of the Catholic 
district. Mindful of recent Saturday night mur- 
ders by uniformed men, a number of residents go 
out into the street and attack the invading force, 
whom they drive off for the time, with one dead 
and two wounded and an armoured lorry out of 

10. — Bloody Sunday, — Unparalleled display by 
Orange mobs, assisted by Special Police and other 
Crown Forces; 123 houses burned, according to 
Dublin Castle report. Number actually burned, 
161. All these were houses of Catholics. No 
houses of Protestants burned. Fifteen people 
killed, 68 serious hospital cases. Large numbers 
of wounded treated at home. 

This outburst was evidently intended to make 
difficult or impossible the observance of the Truce, 
between Ireland and England already signed and 
coming into operation on July 1 1 . 

Referring to the burnings of 161 Catholic houses, 
the News Letter of July 11 characteristically says, 
'' Fires broke out at a number of dwelling-houses 
and much damage was done by the flames." Not 
a hint that Orange mobs publicly burned them all ! 

II. — Authorities decide upon removing armed 
Specials of Class B. from the streets altogether, and 
disarming the A. Class, who wear uniform and are 
paid Hke policemen. 

NotOi — The order was never seriously carried out, 
as many subsequent events show. 

62 BELFAST, 192I 

i2.-*^ir James Craig, called to task on the Orange 
platform bv the extremist, Sam McGuffin, surrenders 
and declares, ''I prefer to lead the Sam McGuffins 
of the crowd rather than those who are apathetic, 

13. — Military openly defied during Curfew in some 
of the Orange districts of Ballvmacarrett. 

14. — Catholic houses wrecked in Ballymacarrett. 
Attacks with revolvers, etc. Two Catholics killed. 
Twenty-eight hospital cases. 

Among the seriously wounded on this date was 
District Inspector McConnell. He is a Catholic, and 
was shot by Unionists, who cheered when they saw 
him fall. He had given evidence against two of their 
number in court at the beginning of the year. A 
sergeant accompanying him was shot in the wrist at 
the same time. Mr. Grant, Unionist M.P., who is 
said by eye-witnesses to have been leading the mob, 
was wounded. 

14. — House of Miss Mary Leonard, a Catholic, 
bombed in Garmoyle Street. 

15. — One, a Catholic, killed. Twenty-eight 

wounded. General Orange shooting continues, and, 
of course, the Orange Press — notwithstanding that 
nearly all the victims are Catholics — continues to 
cry ** Sinn Fein Gunmen,'' and to tell the murderous 
Orange crowds to continue their well-known good 
behaviour in spite of * * fearful provocation * ' they 
are receiving from Catholics. The sniping into 
Catholic areas in several parts of the city has been 
very intense for several days past, and even the 
arrival of large forces of police and military has little 
permanent effect. 

15. — Shops and dwelling-houses of Catholics, 
especially in Ballymacarrett, wrecked and looted, and 
seven burned. 

Two dead (Catholics) and four wounded. 

21. — Children of Milltown (Catholic) Industrial 
School attacked and stoned by gang of men from 
Sandy Row. 

22. — American White Cross delegation in Belfast. 
Visited ruins of 161 Catholic houses wrecked or 

BELFAST, 192 1 63 

burned in a single day (Sunday, July 10) by 
Orange mobs protected by Special Police. Mr. 
France — head of the delegation representing the 
American Committee for Relief in Ireland — '* As 
an American citizen, I cannot comprehend how 
such a thing could occur in a law-abiding com- 

*' It is a very terrible thing to contemplate that 
people should be burned out of their homes and left 
without anything but the clothes on their backs." 

One thousand homeless people huddled together 
in schools, old stores, stables, etc. All these are 
Catholics. No Protestants homeless. 

Statistics for July: Twenty-six killed; 140 wounded; 
216 houses (of Catholics) burned. 


5. — Three cases of robbery under arms. 

7. — Eoin O'Duffy, T.D., Liaison Officer, says: 
"Entire Nationalist population of Belfast are loyally 
observing the Truce and, despite provocation, they 
still maintain the utmost forbearance.** 

8. — City Coroner compliments Father Murray, 
Adm. of St. Mary's, on his great bravery in assisting 
in having William McCartney, a Protestant, removed 
to hospital. There was much shooting at the time. 
Deceased was crawling on the ground fatally 
wounded. It was a very dangerous situation. 

13. — Violent attack by about thirty Orangemen 
armed with revolvers on Catholic workers discharging 
coal boat. One shot in head and lung, another in 
the arm. The rest escaped. 

15. — Sir James Craig invited to London Con- 

18. — At inquest on a child of thirteen, Mary 
McGowan, a Catholic, shot in Derby Street, the jury, 
after an hour's consultation, found '* that Mary 


64 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

McGowan died on the 21st ultimo at the Mater 
Hospital of a gunshot wound in the thigh, the result 
of being fired at by Special Constabulary, and we 
think that in the interests of peace the Special Con- 
stabulary should not be allowed into any locality 
occupied by people of an opposite denomination." 

21. — A serious bomb outrage, — A high explosive 
bomb hurled from Hanover Street (Protestant) into 
Tyrone Street (Catholic). Six seriously wounded. 
Only two Protestant families in Tyrone Street. One 
of these got warning before the bomb was thrown. 
A little boy from the other was on the street and 
among the wounded. 

21. — A fight occurred between gunmen of both 
parties in the North Queen Street area. A bomb 
was thrown into the Catholic quarter but did not 

27. — And another. — High explosive bomb thrown 
into the house of Peter Moan, a Catholic, in Nelson 
Street. Moan is an ex-soldier from the Dorset 
Regiment and a well-known boxer. The family con- 
sists of ten, and the intention was evidently to make 
a holocaust. The house was wrecked, but, by good 
luck, most of the inmates were out of the way and 
no one was killed. This is the third bomb outrage 
in a week. 

27. — During Curfew hours to-night in Manor 
Street a strange shooting affair took place between 
two ** B." Specials, who are supposed to be with- 
drawn, and a detective constable of the R.I.C. Two 
of the Specials wounded. The detective's name is 
Pogue. They attempted to shoot him, but he was 
too quick for them. 

27. — Coote calls for More Aggressiveness, — At 

an Orange meeting of the Grand Black Preceptory 

at Newtownards, on the 12th August, Mr. William 

Coote, Member of the Northern Parliament, 

Orange Leader and *' friend '' of the Premier, 

urged his hearers to be * ' more aggressive ' ' in their 


BELFAST, 1 92 1 65 

29. — And the Tools Obey — Anniversary of 
bloody riot. Two killed and several wounded. Bomb 
thrown into Catholic end of Vere Street fails to 

30. — A Terrible Day. — Five killed and twenty- 
eight serious hospital cases. Dozens of others 
treated but not detained. Christian Brother 
assaulted and chased in Donegall Street. Catholics 
had been warned for some days previously by 
Protestant friends that a big drive was intended. 

Military withheld, and town chiefly in the hands 
of Special Police and R.I.C. 

Besieged. — Correspondent of Daily News writes to 
his paper: 

*' The practically beleaguered Catholics of the 
North Queen Street area, which has been in a state of 
siege since Monday, are asking tragically, * Who is 
in control of Belfast?' The Victoria Military Bar- 
racks is right in the midst of the fighting zone, yet, 
with the exception of armoured car crews, not a 
soldier has been sent out. On the last occasion of 
rioting in this district, when the military were placed 
at street corners, the trouble ended instantly. Is it 
at all strange that the attack on the district is 
regarded as part of a Unionist plot to show the people 
of England and Scotland that no settlement is 
possible in Ulster?'* 

N.B. — Of course the Truce negotiations were at 
this time proceeding in London. 

31. — The Orange Press continues, as usual, to 
cry out '' Sinn Fein Gunmen/' 

Organised bands of '* loyalists '* active in all 
parts of the city to-day. Eight dead and sixty 
detained in hospital. Many lesser casualties. 

66 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

Orange forces seem to be free to act as they please 
in all mixed portions of the city. 

Statistics for August: Twenty-three dead; 165 


I. — Military pickets everywhere. Gunmen gener- 
ally keep indoors. Catholic girls working in tobacco 
factory in York Street attacked fired upon from 
Grove Street, and compelled to turn home. Military 
called out. Comparative quiet restored. 

2. — Occasional shooting and wounding. 

2. — House of Charles Doherty, a Catholic, 36, 
Boundary Street, bombed. Terrific explosion, house 
wrecked and Mrs. King (daughter) seriously injured. 

6. — The special correspondent of the Manchester 
Guardiariy writing to his paper on the latest outbreak, 
says (inter alia.): 

"After a disinterested investigation, the conclu- 
sion one has been forced to is, that the blame for 
beginning the trouble hes at the door of the Orange- 
men, and that for the desperate shooting of Monday 
and Tuesday both sides must bear responsibility, with 
this point to be remembered in favour of the Catholics, 
that as they were attacked, and as there was no 
military protection available, the members of the 
I.R.A. retaliated in kind and quite as effectively. 
Then came the call for the military. 

'* A week ago Mr. William Coote, M.P., was telling 
his friends, several thousands of them belonging to 
the Black Preceptory, that they must be * more 
aggressive.* If the people who had achieved the 
expulsion of fully 3000 [5000] workers from the ship- 
yards were failing of aggressiveness, then the 
Catholic inhabitants of North Queen Street and Falls 
Road had some grounds for uneasiness about the next 

After relating bomb and other outrages on 
Catholics, the correspondent proceeds: 

** I have it on evidence that I cannot doubt, that 
the week's disorders began by Unionists from the 

BELFAST, 1 92 1 67 

York Street area sniping into Catholic areas about 
North Queen Street on Monday. This is the region 
where most of the fighting occurred/' 

18. — Loyahsts renew ** aggressiveness '* despite 
presence of Crown forces. Violent scenes in York 
Street area. Rifles, revolvers and hand grenades 
used. Several wounded. Military fire on the Orange 
mob in Vere Street. Result: two Protestant girls 
fatally shot. Some others wounded. Orange in- 
vasion of Seaforde Street area successfully repelled 
by residents until military and police arrive. 

23. — Ex-Service Men Fiercely Assailed, — One 
of the most disgraceful attacks since the beginning 
of the trouble was made by the Orange mobs of 
Ballymacarrett to-day on some thirty Catholic ex- 
service men employed in relaying the tram lines on 
the Newtownards Road. The district is entirely 
Protestant, and the mob is said to have been at 
least two thousand strong. Of the hundred ex- 
service men employed on this section, under a 
London contracting firm, one-third were Catholics. 
They were assailed and beaten in such a brutal 
manner as could be witnessed only in Belfast. 
Several of them were removed to hospital. No 
one who could be identified as a Catholic escaped 

Some of the Protestant witnesses of the outrage 
expressed their unqualified horror and shame, but 
were powerless to prevent it. 

In the whole of the Ballymacarrett area this day 
the sparse Catholic population were subjected to 
very violent attacks. Many people were injured 
and one killed. Orange gunmen raided at will and 

68 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

actually penetrated into Catholic streets, carrying 
brand new rifles and Webley revolvers. 

24. — The sickening carnage goes on. Five 
have been killed and over fifty seriously wounded 
to-day. One of these, Murtagh McAstocker, a 
Catholic youth of twenty-three, was recognised on 
coming out of St. Matthew's Church, where he had 
just been to confession, when he was deliberately 
shot dead in the street by one of a gang of 
** loyalists." When the ambulance came to pick up 
the body of the youth, it was surrounded by an 
Orange crowd who gave an incredible display of 
savagery. See Press reports. 

25. — Bombs exchanged in Ballymacarrett. One 
thrown into a dense Orange crowd attacking the 
Seaforde Street area had disastrous results, two men 
being killed on the spot and thirty-four admitted to 
hospital badly injured. It is stated that this was 
an unexploded bomb promptly returned upon the 
crowd from which it was first thrown. 

Children bombed. — A bomb was thrown from an 
Orange gang into a group of Catholic children play- 
ing in Milewater Street,* off York Road. 

26. — Catholics driven from public works, and some 
of them beaten, in Ballymacarrett. Shooting, raids 
and disorder general over most parts of the city. 

26. — Proclamation signed by *' competent military 
authority *' declares illegal an assembly of *' three or 
more persons " in certain areas of Belfast. 

28. — Violent expulsion of Catholic workers from 
G.N.R. engine works at Adelaide and Windsor 

29. — Mr. R. I. Todd (Protestant), proprietor of the 
City Bakery, Ardilea Street, writes to the Press 
denying the statement that Protestant workers of 
the bakery were molested. 

* This street adjoins Weaver Street where children were so 
atrociously bombed on 13th February, 1922. Several of the 
little ones were blown into the air. Nine people seriously 
wounded, four of whom were under six years of age. George 
Barry, an ex-soldier, was fatally injured. Two houses were 

BELFAST, 192 1 69 

30. --*A collection has been taken up in various 
parts of the city for support and ''comforts'* for 
professional Orange gunmen. 

September casualties: Eleven dead; fifty-six 


3. — Much indignation felt by Catholic residents of 
Smithfield area at the appearance of lorry of police 
outside St. Stephen's Protestant Church in Millfield, 
under pretence that the worshippers attending that 
church were in danger of attack from Catholic resi- 
dents. The only conceivable reason for such uncalled 
for display would seem to be a desire to discredit the 
residents. No Protestant church or worshippers had 
ever been interfered with in this locality. 

5. — Orange attack on Conway Street Catholic 
school. Female teacher and two children wounded 
with stones hurled through windows. Arrival of 
police and military scatters the mob. 

5. — Bomb thrown into house of Mr. Francis Regan 
(Catholic), 15, Great George's Street, fails to explode. 

6. — Conway Street Catholic school closed owing to 
danger to teachers and children. 

7. — Armed raiders rob seven shops belonging to 
Catholics. One of them, Mr. Reynolds of Lawther 
Street, had a narrow escape, being fired at after 
putting up his hands. 

14. — Another bomb into Seaforde Street. Does not 
explode. Belfast pogrom denounced by Belfast 
Protestants at Labour meeting in Trafalgar Square, 
London. Children of Richardson Street School 
(Catholic) several times attacked of late, being 
guarded by police. 

14. — Sir William Allen at an Orange meeting at 
Portadown, reported as having said: ** Ulster had not 
taken action, but she had not been asleep. She had 
kept her temper, etc.'* 

14. — Several raids and robberies reported. 

19. — More shooting. Three wounded, including 
Constable Kelly. The constable had arrested an 
Orange rowdy and was conveying him to Henry Street 

70 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

Barracks when he was attacked by a mob who tried 
to rescue the prisoner. 

ig. — Holds-up and robberies continue. 

20 — 31. — Fairly quiet, but many raids and rob- 

October casualties: Nobody reported killed; about 
twenty more or less seriously wounded. 


12. — Four Orange rowdies charged before Mr. 
Gray, R.M., with riotous behaviour, singing a 
ribald song in which the Pope is cursed and giving 
very great provocation. Fined 40s. each. 

18. — Irish Bulletin exposes secret poHce circular, 
signed by Colonel Wickham, to create a sectarian 
army of Orangemen in Ulster on Black and Tan 
lines (see p. 83). 

18. — Another fierce onslaught this evening on 
Catholic residents of Ballymacarrett, and especially 
on the church, presbytery and convent. It was quite 
as furious as last year's, though not nearly so suc- 
cessful, owing to the defence put up by the people 
attacked and the eventual arrival of military and 

21. — Shooting goes on all day. Only at risk of 
their lives could Catholics venture out of doors over 
large areas of the city. An Orange murderer, carry- 
ing a rifle in broad daylight, walked openly into a 
public-house in Station Street, Ballymacarrett, shot 
the barman, James Hogan (twenty-two) dead, then 
walked out leisurely and joined his companions. 

Many wounded, but only three dead to-day. 

22. — Northern Government takes over Powers of 
Law and Order, — A terrible day. Three Catholic 
merchants murdered in their own shops. Orange 
mob attack St. Matthew's Church and burn down 

BELFAST, 192 1 71 

the sexton's house inside the grounds. While thus 
engaged a bomb was landed in their midst, killing 
one and wounding forty-five. Workman's tram, 
containing pogromists from the shipyards, was 
bombed in Corporation Street in the evening. Two 
were killed and several injured. 

The day's casualties were fifteen killed, eighty- 
three dangerously wounded and several others less 
seriously hurt. 

23. — Another bad day. Five killed and twenty- 
five wounded. 

23. — British Government repudiates the secret 
circular. Sir James Craig orders its withdrawal, 

24. — Another tram bombed. Two killed and eight 
wounded. Murder gangs still active. Five killed 
and a dozen wounded in this day's work. 

24. — A pathetic case. — Mrs. Millar (Catholic), 
Dock Lane, dead to-day from gunshot wounds, had 
been wounded in a previous outbreak. In June her 
son was dragged out of his own house and shot dead. 
A daughter lost an eye through a bomb explosion. 
Another daughter was shot in the thigh. A brother 
had his hand blown off by a bomb explosion. 

24. — On hearing of the death of some Protestants 
by bomb explosion, Sir James Craig wired from Lon- 
don a message to the citizens: ** I have learned with 
the greatest horror of the dastardly outrages made 
against loyalists in the city of Belfast. I am taking 
drastic action at once, etc." 

(See page 137 for the facts regarding bombing out- 
rages in Belfast up to date). 

25. — Murder gangs still at work. Another 
Catholic merchant killed in his shop. 

Total of deaths: Four; of wounded, 20. 

29. — Mother of eight. — Mrs. McNamara, 56, 
Keegan Street, mother of eight children, murdered 
by Orangemen. She died in great agony. 

Nq^ember casualties: Thirty dead; 142 wounded. 

72 BELFAST, 1 92 1 


6. — Catholic child, four months old, shot in the 
arms of its mother, Mrs. Valente, confectioner, 10, 
Castlereagh Road, by one of a gang of about twenty 
Orange hooligans. 

17 — 18. — Wild week-end in Ballymacarrett. 
Catholic streets attacked with great ferocity. Three 
killed and fifteen admitted to hospital. On Saturday 
five men entered a Catholic shop on Ravenhill Road, 
and, not finding her husband at home, deliberately 
shot Mrs. Donnelly, wife of the proprietor, in the 
abdomen. This woman died a couple of days later. 

17 — 18. — In searching houses in Ballymacarrett, 
Special Police behaved m a very blackguardly man- 
ner, brow-beating females, throwing prayer-books 
into the fire, smashing and burning sacred objects. 

19. — Orange mobs carry service rifles under eyes 
of Crown forces in Ballymacarrett. Catholic houses 
looted. Furniture taken out and burned. 

19. — Charles MacCallion (Catholic), a barman, 
murdered at the corner of Brown Street. Hugh 
Kelly, another barman, seriously injured. 

27. — David Morrison, a Catholic ex-soldier, mur- 
dered, with six bullets in his head, on Oldpark Road. 
Said to have been the work of Special Police. 

Casualties for December: Seven dead; twenty-three 



1920— Killed 



„ Wounded 

* . . 

... 395 

1921— Killed 

. . . 

... 130 

„ Wounded 

... 639 

Total to date: 205 


1,034 wounded. 

The name, address and religious persuasion, as far 
as ascertainable, of each person killed, with date of 
the occurrence, will be found on pages 159 to 174. 

BELFAST, 192 1 73 

The foregoing summary presents as briefly and 
as fairly as possible the chief incidents in a long 
and loathsome period of murder, riot and general 
disorder. That the activity was not confined 
altogether to one side will be readily admitted. But 
an impartial investigation of each notable outbreak 
would show — as those who were on the spot know 
well — that the Orange party were, in at least nine 
cases out of ten, the aggressors. The other side, 
finding themselves in most instances without any 
adequate military or police protection, hit back as 
best they could in self-defence, and often managed 
to give as much almost as they got. But the great 
majority of the casualties among the '' loyalists " 
were due to the fire of the military and R.I.C. 

As in all cases of civic disorder, a large number 
of the victims were quite innocent people who had 
taken no active part in the disturbances. That 
many harmless and respectable Protestants, who 
had no sympathy with attacks on Catholics, suf- 
fered by death or wounding, the writer would be 
one of the first to admit and deplore. 


Any summary gives but a very pale reflex of the 
long-drawn-out agony through which the minority 
in Belfast have passed in the course of the last 
twelve months. The tragedies and terrors of many 
a little street during that period would supply 
material for more than one sad volume. North 

74 BELFAST, 192 1 

Queen Street has been for nearly all that time a 
battleground. The Marrowbone has been subjected 
to violent maulings. 


But who shall ever write the history of the isolated 
Catholic group in Ballymacarrett, surrounded by 
coarse, savage enemies in numbers ten to one, well- 
armed, confident, and often supported by the forces 
of the law ! For a year-and-a-half already that 
devoted Catholic area has been living day and night 
under an almost unbroken siege. The inhabitants 
are in peril, both indoors and out of doors. Their 
streets are constantly raked and tortured with gun- 
fire from the mobs, and from the Special Police. 
The throbbing of a police lorry is often but a sure 
sign that murder is abroad. They have seen their 
church stoned and peppered by rifle fire half-a- 
dozen times at least ; they have seen two attempts 
to burn their convent over the heads of the poor 
nuns. Even their priests have been fired at, and 
their presbytery several times riddled with bullets. 
And the seeming hopelessness of it all as things 
grow daily worse and worse ! One victim's funeral 
follows another, sometimes three, four or five in 
a day. One wonders over and over again why 
they have not all become insane. And yet they 
live and face the future bravely, hopeful of a better 

BELFAST, 192 1 75 


Several of those wounded went through agonies 
almost too shocking to contemplate. Here is the 
case of Thomas Ward, a boy of seventeen, men- 
tioned rather as a type of hundreds of savageries 
as bad or even worse. 

When going home, and not far from his own 
house on the Woodstock Road, he was surrounded 
by an Orange gang of over twenty in the midst of 
a region where the Protestants are at least 200 
to I. They knocked him down on the street and 
proceeded to kick him most savagely on head, face 
and body. The poor boy cried out for help, but 
of course there was no one near to help, A mem- 
ber of the crowd produced a clasp knife, and stab- 
bed him deeply in the back twice. Blood poured 
from the wounds, but the assailants continued to 
kick him until he became unconscious. Thinking 
he was dead, they dragged him into an entry and 
left him there. On recovering consciousness, he 
crawled out, and, between falling and rising again, 
managed to reach the Albert Bridge Road, where 
a couple of girls, taking pity on his plight, went 
and informed the police, who had him removed to 
the Mater Hospital. One of the stabs in the back 
penetrated the lung, causing a heavy haemorrhage. 


There have been several cases of Catholics kicked 
to death by slangs of Orangemen ; never a case of 

76 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

the reverse. Such was the fate of Hugh 
McDonald, 5 Saul Street, after having been 
dragged off a tramcar near Queen's Bridge on 
May 20th, 1922. The writer has witnessed 
more than one sight of an individual attacked thus 
by a mob in the streets of Belfast, and has seen 
several unfortunate victims after a gruelling of this 
kind, and he can say that anything more horrible 
could not well be imagined. 

With hardly an exception, the Orangeman will 
not show fight unless he has very strong backing. 
It is in places in Belfast, where he is in a majority 
of ten to one, that over 90 per cent, of the outrages 
on Catholics have been perpetrated. And he has 
ever been the same. 

1,000 versus 1. — Some of tlie "heroic" performances of the 
Orange crowds would be utterly incredible to people outside 
"Ulster." Here is one for which we submit proof that will not 
be questioned : 

After the expulsions of all Catholics from the shipyards of 
Workman and Clark in 1912 — mark the date — a solitary Papist, a 
ship-carpenter named Delahunt, ventured into the works one 
day to get some unclaimed wages lying to his credit in the office. 
He was spotted. A rush was made for him from all sides. He 
was knocked down and kicked into pulp. 

Sometime afterwards this incident was referred to in the course 
of an action for libel brought against the Belfast Telegraph 
in connection with the expelled shipyard workers. The case was 
tried in the Four Courts, Dublin, and amongst the witnesses 
subpoenaed by the plaintiffs to give evidence on that occasion 
was Superintendent Johnston, an ultra Protestant, head of the 
Harbour Police, an almost purely Protestant body. 

Examined by Mr. Serjeant Moriarty, counsel for the plaintiflfs, 
Mr. Johnston, on oath, stated that he was present with a number 
of his men, and witnessed the Orange attack on the solitary 

" How many," said Mr. Moriarty, " would you say were in 
the crowd that attacked Delahunt ?" 

" About one thousand," replied Superintendent Johnston. 

BELFAST, 192 1 77 


The triple murders of Alexander McBride, William 
Kerr and Malachy Halfpenny, all three Catholics, 
during Curfew in the early hours of the ist June, 
192 1, caused a feeling of horror in Belfast. The 
following, from the report of the subsequent raising 
of the question in the British House of Commons, 
may interest some people : 

'' Mr. Devlin, at Westminster, raised the question 
of Belfast atrocities, and especially of the slaughter 
of innocent men during Curfew hours. 

"On September 26th," he said, "in the early 
hours of Sunday morning, armed and uniformed men, 
wearing uniform caps, drove out to the house of a 
man called Edward Trodden in Falls Road, and there, 
in the presence of his wife and children, dragged him 
out into the back yard and murdered him. They 
proceeded to the house of John Gaynor in Springfield 
Road, forced their way into the house, and they did 
this young man to death in the presence of his aged 
mother. They then proceeded to the house of John 
McFadden, Springfield Road, and they murdered 

He referred to the case of the two brothers 
Duffin, shot in their home after midnight on Sunday, 
April 24th. 

Then he referred to the similar murders of 
McBride, Kerr, and Halfpenny on the previous Sun- 

'* McBride was but a year married, with a wife and 
one child. He belonged to no political organisation 
of any kind. 

'' Kerr was a constitutionalist, and his brother was 
a regimental sergeant in the army. 

** Halfpenny, a youth of 22, who had fought 
in the British Army for three-^and-a-half years, where 

78 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

he was twice wounded and once gassed, was taken 
from his bed practically naked, driven away and mur- 
dered. His body was riddled with bullets. 

** An Hon. Member: * The dirty dogs.' 

'' Major Prescott: * Does the hon. gentleman wish 
the House to believe that servants of the Crown put 
an end to such a life as that?' 

** Mr. Devlin said that after 10.30 p.m. no civilian 
and no motor cars were allowed on the streets of 
Belfast. Who but the Forces of the Crown could have 
rampaged the whole city at one o'clock in the morn- 
ing, stopped at three houses and murdered men in 
the presence of their families — leaving them lying 
dead until Curfew was over in the morning? 

** Sir Hamar Greenwood replied, with regard to 
Mr. Devlin's remarks, that it was unworthy to assume 
that any of those murders was committed by ser- 
vants who were upholding the authority of the House 
in the country. 

** Mr. Devlin: ' Were they brave men who mur- 
dered Canon Magner?' 

'* Sir Hamar Greenwood: ' No'." 


Though, as all the evidence makes clear, and as 
the representatives of the British and foreign Press 
have amply testified, the aggression was at first 
entirely, and afterwards chiefly, on the part of the 
anti-Catholic elements, the authorities acted all 
along just as if the opposite were the fact. But 
such has been the traditional method in Belfast. 

The manner in which Curfew has been carried 
out is a good example of this. The Catholic dis- 
trict of Falls Road (one of the most peaceful areas 
in these islands, until the visits of the Special Con- 
stabulary produced trouble there) was, from the 

BELFAST, 192 1 79 

first imposition of the Curfew order, made the con- 
stant and special object of military activity by night 
and every night ; whilst the Protestant areas were 
practically left to take care of themselves, except 
for the rare passing of a military car or lorry. 
Numberless raids and searches were carried out in 
Catholic homes. These unfortunate people could 
never promise themselves half-an-hour's rest, whilst 
the worst malefactors of another creed were allowed 
to sleep undisturbed. Those senseless raids, as 
those who carried them out well know, hardly ever 
resulted in anything except the great annoyance of 
the poor people thus helplessly afflicted. It must 
have been little less annoying and disgusting to the 
military — ^who, as a rule, carried out their orders 
with courtesy and consideration — to be nightly and 
hourly engaged grubbing, delving, raking and 

combing " in the houses of these poor people, 
until the whole Catholic community might be 
said to have been put through a sieve, not once, 
but several times. And what did they succeed in 
finding ? Practically nothing at all, or something 
that might make a cat laugh. 

The victims of this senseless activity never 
blamed the military. They felt such work was 
repugnant to most of them, and rather sympathised 
with them. But they suspected that those respon- 
sible for issuing such orders had allowed themselves, 
quite unconsciously, no doubt, to be made the tools 
of a malignant faction. 

8o BELFAST, 1 92 1 


Some people with wonderfully short memories have 
been found of late to express the view that the 
Catholics of Belfast and environs have only them- 
selves to blame for the horrors that exist there ; 
that the trouble is chiefly due to the fact that they 
refused to recognise the Northern Parliament. The 
case is put very ingenuously thus : 

A Government was established for the southern 
twenty-six counties. Such an arrangement was, 
of course, distasteful to the Protestants of that area, 
nevertheless they acquiesced without hesitation and 
declared their allegiance to it. Should not the 
Catholics of the six counties have acted similarly 
towards the new Government there ? Their atti- 
tude of opposition has led to all this trouble, etc., 

To many people it will seem childish to stop to 
deal with arguments of this kind. But it is well to 
assume that people who talk thus are sincere in their 
view, however astonishing the ignorance such views 
connote. The facts put forward in the earlier por- 
tion of this book, ought to make it clear to them 
that their contention has no foundation whatever 
to rest upon. 


The Government formed for the South came into 
being in January of the present year. The 

BELFAST, 192 1 81 

Protestants, in tendering their allegiance to the 
New State, could recall the consoling fact that they 
were throwing in their lot with fellow-countrymen 
of a different creed who, according to the abound- 
ing testimony of the Protestants themselves, had 
for ages treated them with the utmost fairness and 
brotherliness. Their religion, or even their known 
political views, had never been made a reason for 
hostility or exclusion in any form. In many ways 
they had been given what might be described 
as preferential treatment by the Catholics among 
whom they lived. These points need not be 
pressed farther. 


In June, 192 1, the Government of the Six Counties 
was called into existence. Already for practically 
a whole year, the Catholics of Belfast and of many 
other places had been suffering at the hands of 
those who now demanded their allegiance and co- 
operation the agonies of a wholesale persecution 
such as no Christians in any part of the world out- 
side Turkey have been subjected to in modern 
times. And this was only the latest of a long 
series, periodically inflicted upon them, simply on 
account of their religion and national sentiment, 
by the same party of bigots and national parricides. 
The Premier of the New Government had gone out 
of his way, a few months before, to assure the very 
men who had driven thousands of Catholics per- 

82 BELFAST, 192I 

manently from the work that gave them and theirs 
a living, who had been active in works of murder, 
wounding, looting, burning, convent sacking and 
church wrecking, that he fully approved of what 
they had done. Most of the other members of the 
Government had records of fierce bigotry. The 
Parliament, in the eyes of any northern Catholic, 
could appear little else than a glorified Orange 

A fine parallel this, surely, between the case of 
the southern Protestants and that of the northern 
Catholics yielding allegiance to the respective 
Governments ! 


But the consideration of national sentiment in- 
volved shows such a comparison to be still more 
absurd. The Protestants of the North-East have 
always proclaimed that they are as Irish as any 
others in the land, and no one wishes to quarrel 
with such professions. What hardship then is 
offered to them in asking them to remain and com- 
port themselves as citizens of their native land ? 
Do they fear persecution at the hands of the 
Catholic minority ? Let the reader consult the 
testimony from many recent Protestant sources 
found towards the end of this volume (p. 186) 
and then judge for himself as to such an attitude. 

But to every one of the hundreds of thousands 
of Catholics in Carsonia such a violent and un- 

BELFAST, 192 1 83 

natural severance from the rest of the Irish nation 
is of the nature of a tragedy too deep for utterance. 
The Protestants say that they themselves never 
asked for such separation. The Catholics have 
abhorred it, and will for ever oppose it, not out of 
a dislike of the Protestant '' Ulsterites,'' but from 
pure love of Ireland, which England, the old enemy, 
would rend in twain for her own sinister political 


''Divisional Commissioner's Office, 
''R.I.C., Belfast, 

*' 9th Nov., 1921. 
" Secret. 

** Commissioners. 

''AH County Commandants. 

" Owing to the number of reports which has been 
received as to the growth of unauthorised loyalist 
defence forces, the Government have under considera- 
tion the desirability of obtaining the services of the 
best elements of these organisations. 

" They have decided that the scheme most likely 
to meet the situation would be to enrol all who volun- 
teer and are considered suitable into Class ' C* and 
to form them into regular military units. 

" The force must be raised on a territorial basis, 
namely, the county must be divided into battalion 
areas of such a size as will produce a battalion of, 
roughly, one thousand men. 

" Before proceeding further with the scheme 
County Commandants, after a consultation with 
County Inspectors, should report the number of 
battalion areas for their counties, with a recom- 

84 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

mendation for the name of the battalion commander. 
At this stage proposed battalion commanders should 
not be approacnea as to their willingness to undertake 
the duty; all that is required is the nomination of 
the men who are considered to be the most suitable. 

''If it is necessary to form this force it will have 
to be done on very short notice, which means that 
the battalion commanders, once appointed, will have 
to be given a free hand to raise and organise their 
men. It is necessary, therefore, that those appointed 
should be men of military experience and organising 

** The force is intended as a military one only, to 
be called out in grave emergency, to act in a military 
capacity. They will not of necessity be utilised 
for local defence, but may be drafted to any theatres 
of operations within the six counties. 

*' It is not intended that this force should interfere 
with or replace Class * B.' Special Constabulary^ 
who remain a local force for local protection. There 
is no objection to an officer of Class * B.' being 
appointed an officer to Class * C* if he is considered 
the most suitable, and if a deputy is available to 
carry on his * B.' duties. 

** The * C* scheme, therefore, applies mostly to 
towns and cities where there is a population surplus 
to * B.' requirements. The most suitable class for 
this force are ex-soldiers, who possess already the 
necessary military training and knowledge of arms. 

'* As the matter is URGENT, replies should be sent 
at the earliest possible date. Further details as to 
pay when called out, arms, drilling, recruiting, etc. 
will be considered and notified as soon as the general 
idea is received as to the umber of battalions which 
can be raised. There is no necessity to endeavour 
to produce the maximum possible number of units; 
what is required is to ensure that every unit recom- 
mended for formation can be constituted from a 
reliable section of the population. 

" (Signed), 

''WICKHAM, Lieut.-Colonel, 

** Divisional Commissioner." 

BELFAST, 1 92 1 85 


'' It would be invidious at such a moment," 
says the Irish Bulletin, '' to question the sincerity 
of the British Government in its search for peace. 
A document has, however, come into our possession 
which will cause the gravest concern. The facts 
disclosed in it are of a sinister character and, if the 
interpretation we place upon them in the detailed 
analysis which follows is correct, it is difficult to 
avoid the conclusion that a step has been deliber- 
ately taken to wreck any possibility of peace. An 
army is being secretly organised in North-East 
Ulster — organised, as the document admits, by the 
British Government- — ^with the apparent object of 
taking the field at any given moment, and thus pro- 
viding an excuse for its organisers to abandon any 
settlement that may be come to at the Conference. 


" The document in question is dated November 
9th. On November 5th Sir James Craig, leader 
of the Ulster Unionists, arrived in London from 
Belfast. He declared that he came ' on private 
business only,' and four hours later he was closeted 
with Mr. Lloyd George, and subsequently called on 
Lord Carson, organiser of the Ulster Volunteer 
Force. On November 7th Sir James Craig again 
saw the British Premier and that evening summoned 
his Cabinet to London. On November 8th an 
official announcement by Sir James Craig stated 

86 BELFAST, 192 1 

' he had spent another strenuous day in consulta- 
tion with various (British) Government officials ' 
and later he again interviewed Mr. Lloyd George. 
On November 9th the foregoing circular was 


Has THE Move been made by Government 

Authority ? 

Let us," proceeds the Bulletin, '' analyse this 
grave circular paragraph by paragraph. 

'' Par. I states that the orders to create this 
secret army came from the British Government, 
a fact already indicated by its issue from the office 
of the British Divisional Commissioner of Con- 
stabulary in Belfast. The character of the army 
is laid down in this first paragraph as definitely 
sectarian. It is to be enrolled exclusively from 
* the best elements ' of the unauthorised loyalist 
(z.e. Protestant) defence forces which have already 
been created to defeat the present peace negotia- 

'' Par. 2 outlines the general scheme of organisa- 
tion. The Class ' C ' referred to is a branch of the 
Ulster Special Constabulary whose main function 
hitherto has been to join in pogroms upon the 
Nationalist minority in Belfast and elsewhere. The 
members of this class were restrained to a slight 
degree by the name they bore. As ' police ' they 

BELFAST, 192 1 87 

could not carry on their work of persecution as 
openly as they would have wished. They are now 
to be reorganised as ' military units,' their numbers 
are to be increased by ' all who volunteer and are 
considered suitable/ and the mild restraint of their 
position as constabulary is to be abolished. 

'' Unlimited Strength. 

*' Par. 3 indicates that the army is to be of 
unlimited strength. This paragraph further sug- 
gests that the force to be raised is to be an army 
whose members will live in their own homes. This 
will ensure a lack of discipline, a freedom for 
' unauthorised ' action, and unlimited opportunity 
to attack the local Nationalist minority, all of which 
were doubtless foreseen and appreciated by the 
organisers of the army. 

'' Par. 4 makes it certain that the officers who 
are to command the new force will be of the right 
political colour. They must first be approved by 
the County Commandants of the Ulster Special 
Constabulary and the County Inspectors of the 
Royal Irish Constabulary, all of whom are either 
members of the extreme Orange section or bitter 
opponents of the Nationalist minority. But the 
County Commandants or County Inspectors have 
not the power of appointment. They may nominate, 
but the final selection is evidently to be made in 
consultation with Sir James Craig and his col- 
leagues who may be relied upon to weed out any 

88 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

weaklings suggested by their Constabulary sup- 
porters. This paragraph instances the caution 
with which the secret army is being raised. Even 
the nominated commanders are to know nothing of 
the scheme until they have been vetted and passed 
by the inner Orange circle. 

Underlying Motive. 

** Par. 5 shows that the underlying motive of the 
scheme is political. ' If it is necessary ' the force 
will be formed ' on very short notice.' Then the 
force is not yet necessary. Its necessity depends 
apparently upon some impending political contin- 
gency. Such political contingency can arise only 
out of the present negotiations. If a settlement 
seems on the point of being come to, ' short notice' 
may be given and the force spring into immediate 
existence. A more extensive Curragh mutiny will 
thus have been effectively staged. * Ulster ' will 
seemingly have risen as one man. (Note.. — The 
circular is marked ' Secret ' ; the public were to 
have known nothing of the new army until the 
moment of a ' spontaneous rising ' had come). In 
such an eventuality will the British Government act 
as it acted in 191 4 and under the seeming compul- 
sion of circumstances (which it had itself secretly 
arranged) abandon its own proposals ? This para- 
graph also states that the British Commanders, 
having been duly passed as politically sound, will 
be ' given a free hand.' The Auxiliary Cadets 

BELFAST, 1 92 1 89 

were * given a free hand ' ; so were the Black and 



No Plea of Preserving Law and Order 


'* Par. 6 declares that the force is intended * as 
a military one only.' The implication is that they 
can begin operations without any contributing cause 
on the part of those they intend to assail ; they will 
simply obey instructions and need not advance the 
plea of 'preserving law and order.' This para- 
graph also suggests that when the word is given, 
the army will concentrate on the Nationalist 
counties of Tyrone and Fermanagh, or homo- 
geneous Nationalist districts, such as South 
Armagh, North Antrim, South and East Down, 

** Par. 7 indicates that the secret army is to be 
an addition to, not a replacement of, the existing 
sectarian forces in North-East Ulster. The army 
may thus safely be concentrated in any one district, 
leaving the Nationalist minorities in the other dis- 
tricts still under the heel of the Special Con- 

The Secret Army. 

** Par. 8 emphasises this point further. The 
active branches of the Special Constabulary are to 
continue at full strength. It is the ' surplus 

90 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

population * which is to be enrolled as the secret 
army. This paragraph also provides the informa- 
tion that the army is to be modelled on the lines of 
the Black and Tans It is to be made up of ex- 
soldiers, brutalised by the Great War, and recruited 
from the cities and towns where sectarianism is 
more rampant than in the country districts, just 
as the unemployed in English cities and towns were 
formed into ' Royal Irish Constables/ This has 
also a bearing on the Belfast labour question which 
is beginning to endanger the stability of the 
Northern Government. The sweated workers and 
the unemployed are to have their attention directed 
away from their treatment by the capitalist classes. 

" Disappearing Force. 

'' Par. 9 repeats that the matter is of great 
urgency. The political need for a ' crisis ' may 
arise at any moment. On November 9th the 
British Cabinet, according to the Press, were dis- 
cussing the position of North-East Ulster, and were 
alleged to have come to a unanimous decision. But 
this document shows that on that date the British 
Government were actually pledged to organise, pay, 
train, and instruct an army whose personnel would 
ensure opposition to the decisions they were stated 
to have arrived at. This paragraph further sup- 
ports the point that the army is designed for 
political purposes and not to meet any military need. 
In the first place, the number of troops required is 

BELFAST, 1 92 1 91 

not specified. Therefore, there can be no military 
objective in view. Secondly, the document states 
that when * necessary ' the force is to be formed 
' at short notice.' Therefore, a disciplined 
military campaign is not in contemplation, but, 
rather, something like a disappearing army which 
will jump to arms whenever such action is calcu- 
lated to overawe, or seem to overawe, some 
politician. Thirdly, the army is to be selected not 
from the physically strongest part of the people, 
but from the most ' reliable section of the popula- 
tion ' — in other words, from the extremists. 
Political reliability is the only test of membership 
and the only limitation placed upon number. 

'' It may be that this secret circular calling into 
existence an army selected for its hatred of the 
minority, upon whom it is to be quartered, was 
issued without the knowledge of the British Govern- 
ment. But the terms and the origin of the circular 
do not bear out that view. A full explanation is 
obviously necessary, the more so as this official 
formation of a sectarian army is taking place during 
the Truce, the terms of which are gravely infringed 
by it." 

This premature exposure of their plans arrested 
the movement — for the time — and Sir James Craig 
sent the following telegram to the Minister for 
Home Affairs of the " Northern Parliament '' : 

92 BELFAST, 1 92 1 

*' My attention has been drawn to the terms of 
Colonel Wickham's circular of November 9, with 
regard to the recruiting Class * C of the Special 
Constabulary, which I approved in the event of the 
Truce being terminated, but for their formation into 
a regular military unit the Constabulary has never 
been transferred to the Government of Northern 

** The recruits may be taken as police, but not into 
a military force for organisation. 

'* I am returning on Saturday morning, when I will 
explain the legal position. 

*' Meanwhile the circular must be withdrawn.'' 


In another section of this work the preposterous 
claim to an eminent loyalty on the part of the 
Orangemen is considered at some length. It may 
not be out of place to adduce a few instances here 
out of many of the same kind witnessed during the 
outbreaks of the past two years. The following 
incident took place on i6th October, 1920 : 


A Protestant family had kindly taken into their 
house trunks belonging to a Catholic neighbour 
whose house had been burned. They were warned 
by the Orange faction that if they did not get rid 
of them the house would be burned over their heads. 
The police were informed, and eventually two men 
offered to remove the trunks if police protected 

BELFAST, 192 1 93 

them. The men were Francis McNeill, of 39, 
Gracehill Street, an ex-soldier, and Private Francis 
Scullion, of the 2nd Battalion Black Watch, who 
was home on leave. Whilst placing the trunks on 
a handcart they were surrounded by an Orange 
mob. McNeill was stabbed in the back of the 
head, grew faint and fell, and was then savagely 
kicked. Private Scullion was knocked down by a 
blow of a large stone, and, though dressed in the 
King's uniform, was brutally kicked as he lay. One 
bystander ventured to cry ' ' Shame ; you should 
not a beat a man in khaki,'' but this had no effect 
on the mob. Finally the two unfortunate men were 
rescued. A running fight with revolvers followed 
between the three policemen and the Orange mob, 
until an armoured car arrived and drove the latter 
off belter skelter. 


On 13th June, 1921, Mrs. Kerr of 42, Vere Street, 
received a letter from King George V. accompanied 
by a bronze plaque in memory of her husband, who 
had made the supreme sacrifice for Britain in the 
Great War. Within an hour after the receipt of 
this royal message her house was furiously attacked 
by an Orange gang and partially wrecked. Mrs. 
Kerr, it need hardly be added, was a Catholic. 

On June 20th, 1 921, Patrick O'Hare of Urney 
Street, a soldier in the Connaught Rangers, home 
on furlough and in uniform, was, with his wife and 

94 BELFAST, 192 1 

small children, evicted by an Orange mob, who 
dragged him out and threatened to shoot him if 
he refused to clear off. He returned to his 
regiment, leaving his family homeless behind him 
in loyal Belfast. 


In several authenticated instances soldiers of Eng- 
lish regiments doing duty on the streets in Belfast 
were deliberately shot at and killed or wounded by 
Orange crowds. Such instances could be multiplied 
indefinitely, but the foregoing may be sufficient to 
indicate the kind of loyalty obtaining in Protestant 
Belfast, where close on two thousand Catholic ex- 
service men have been expelled from their employ- 
ment, driven forth to meet starvation, and com- 
pelled ever since to live on the world's charity by 
Belfast loyalists. 



To realise fully the significance of events since the 
beginning of 1922 it is necessary to bear in mind 
the fact that the Belfast Government was now 
placed in control of '* law and order '' in the Six 
Counties. The transference of the police to the 
Belfast Government, persistently clamoured for 
since the opening of the Belfast Parliament, had at 
last been acceded to by the British Cabinet ready 
to humour the whims of its Belfast proteges. What 
the consequences of such a step were bound to be 
could not escape the veriest political simpleton. 
The use to which the Belfast Government intended 
to put its new powers had been made sufficiently 
clear by the Wickham circular of November. The 
Home Office, which was henceforth to administer 
*' law and order '' in the Six County area, was in 
charge of a notorious anti-Catholic bigot, Sir 
Dawson Bates. His bigotry was his chief quali- 
fication for this office. 


96 BELFAST, 1922 


Sir James Craig had, as we have already seen 
(14th October, 1920), expressed his warm approval 
of the action of ** you, boys " in expelling the 
Catholics from the shipyards and other places of 
employment. Thousands of these ** boys '' had 
already been enrolled in the Special Constabulary 
by the authority and under the control of the 
British Government. But the Wickham cir- 
cular and speeches by Sir James Craig in 
recent months show that it was the intention 
of the Belfast Cabinet, as soon as it was invested 
with full powers, to enrol these same '' boys '' and 
others of their ilk, not in their thousands but in their 
tens of thousands. This has already been done. 
Fifty thousand Special Constabulary supplemented 
by remnants of the old R.I.C. and by new forma- 
tions of what is proposed to be the future permanent 
police of the Six Counties — the Royal Ulster 
Constabulary — now exercise throughout Ulster, in 
its cities and towns, its remote villages and glens, 
a Terror perhaps occasionally equalled but never 
surpassed by the worst phases of Black-and- 
Tannery. In many respects indeed it is infinitely 
worse, and more thorough. During the Green- 
wood Terror the total of police in all Ireland never 
reached more than 19,000 ( ?) in addition to 
60,000 ( i^) British soldiers. That is 79,000 armed 
men to a population of 4,500,000. To-day in Six 
Counties of Ulster there are 50,000 armed police, 

BELFAST, 1922 97 

supported by 20,000 British soldiers, that is, a total 
of 70,000 armed men to a population of 1,200,000, 
or I to every 17 inhabitants ! 


For exercising a Terror these men are in a much 
better position than were the Black-and-Tans. 
They are local men, recruited for the most part from 
the dregs of society, brought up from their earliest 
years in an atmosphere of anti-Catholic bigotry, 
taught both by their political and religious leaders 
that their Catholic neighbours are their only enemy, 
and inflamed by the subtle innuendoes and brazen 
lies of the most malignant Press in the world. Such 
are the instruments employed by the Government 
of Belfast to carry out the traditional policy of that 
Government's master, the Orange Lodge, viz., 
the evacuation and extermination of the Catholics 
from Ulster. 


Yet Sir James Craig is not satisfied with the pro- 
gress made by this instrument of diabolic efficiency. 
In a recent speech he asserted that their police 
system was so devised as to enable the entire body 
of '' loyal '' men in Ulster to arm themselves. In 
other words he was aiming at the arming of the 
whole Protestant population against their Catholic 
neighbours. English policy in Ulster at least made 
a pretence of *' keeping the ring,'' to use the 

98 BELFAST, 1922 

elegant expression used by Lord Fitzalan at the 
opening of the Belfast Parliament. The Belfast 
Government makes no pretence about its aims. It 
has no use for any cant about '' keeping the ring." 
It has deliberately unchained forces whose one 
simple object is the extermination of the Catholic 
population in the Six Counties. The rioting mob, 
the snipers, the murder gang, and the Special 
Constabulary are not so many distinct institutions 
of Belfast life ; they are all parts of the same 
organism ; or, rather, they are one and the same 
set of forces operating in different ways. Owing 
to the ingenious system of A., B. and C. Specials, 
individuals can operate in some or all of the four 
above-mentioned capacities within the space of a 
few hours. And it is a mere truism to state the 
fact, of which everyone in Belfast is aware, that the 
Specials supply with arms and ammunition the 
mobs, the snipers, and the murder gangs in whose 
activities the Specials take a very prominent part. 


JANUARY ist to 2ist. 

During the first five days of January there occur- 
red five bomb outrages, in each case the bomb 
being hurled either into a Catholic quarter or into 
a Catholic house. There was fierce rioting in York 
Street area, followed by the imposition of 8 o'clock 

BELFAST, 1922 99 

Curfew in that area, and the relaxation of Curfew in 
the Orange area of Ballymacarrett, whereupon the 
Orange mob, becoming as aggressive as ever, 
again attacked in force St. Matthew's Church with 
rifle fire. 


During the riot in the York Street area an infant 
was shot dead in its mother's arms by an Orange 
gunman, and another child in Kilmood Street was 
wounded in the face. In all there were eight 
deaths during these five days and many wounded. 


Among the dead was Private Barnes, shot openly 
by an Orange gunman, and Alex. Twittle, an 
Orange sniper of whose death the following official 
report was issued : 

'* A soldier was sniped at. He returned the fire 
and shot the sniper dead.'' 

On the night of the 3rd it has been estimated 
that the military fired 20,000 rounds in York Street 
area, whilst in Ballymacarrett the Orange mob was 
throwing bombs and attacking St. Matthew's 
Church with impunity. 

At an inquest on some of the victims of recent 
massacres a rider was added to the verdict that 
'' no effective measures had been taken by the 
responsible authorities for the preservation of the 
peace.*' This rider expressed only a half-truth. 

lOO BELFAST, 1 92 2 

In view of the machinery of ' ' law and order * ' out- 
lined above, a fuller realisation of the situation 
would have found expression in something like 
these terms, that *' the most effective measures 
had been taken by the responsible authorities to 
ensure continuous breaches of the peace/' As we 
have seen before, even English newspapers like The 
Times and Daily Mail had foreseen as much months 
previously when the question of establishing a force 
of Special Constabulary from the Ulster Volunteer 
Force was first mooted. 


On January 6th there were inquests on nineteen 
victims of recent disturbances, seventeen of whom 
were Catholic ; and one of the two Protestants had 
been shot in a Catholic shop, undoubtedly having 
been taken for a Catholic. And yet, in spite of the 
eloquence of such figures, the Belfast Orange Press 
repeats ad nauseam the hoary lie that the Catholics 
are the aggressors ! 

The conditions during the next few weeks, until 
the 2ist January, the date of the first Collins-Craig 
Pact, are just a continuation of those described as 
prevailing during the opening days of the month — 
rioting, sniping, murder, bombing, firing into 
Catholic districts by the military by way of reply to 
Orange attacks. Such is the history of Belfast 
at this time. The results of these activities were 
nine persons killed, four of whom were women. 

BELFAST, 1922 1 01 

Three of these women were Catholics deliberately 
murdered on their doorsteps. And there were 
large numbers of wounded. During these weeks 
the murder gangs were operating with extraordinary 
boldness, frequently claiming their victims in broad 
daylight. The majority of those killed and 
wounded were the victims of these operations. On 
the 12th January inquests were held on seven people 
of whom six were Catholics. Total deaths since 
January ist, 16. . 

Once again at this time was it shown that the 
pogrom had the blessing of the Belfast Parliament 
and Government. Mr. Moles, in a speech in 
Parliament, with the approval of his colleagues, 
outlined a scheme whereby Catholics might be got 
rid of by a process of evacuation. 




On January 21st the terms of an agreement signed 
by Mr. Collins and Sir James Craig relative to the 
situation in Ulster were published. It consisted of 
five clauses. No. i dealt with the boundary ques- 
tion ; No. 3 with the settlement of the railway dis- 
pute ; No. 4 with the Council of Ireland ; No. 5 
made provision for a subsequent meeting of the 
signatories to deal with the case of post-truce 

I02 BELFAST, 1 922 


Clause No. 2, which has the most direct bearing 
upon the Catholic position in Belfast, deserves to 
be quoted in full It is as follows : 

'* Without prejudice to the future consideration by 
his Government on the question of tariffs, Mr. Collins 
undertakes that the Belfast boycott is to be discon- 
tinued immediately, and Sir Tames Craig undertakes 
to facilitate in every possible way the return of 
Catholic workmen without tests to the shipyards, as 
and when trade revival enables the firms concerned 
to absorb the present unemployed. In the meantime 
a system of relief on a large scale is being arranged 
to carry over the period of distress." 

Now, here was a clause which, if honourably 
carried out, or if even a serious attempt had been 
made to carry it out, would have gone far to ease 
the whole situation, particularly in Belfast which is 
the canker spot of the whole Ulster situation. As 
everyone knows, the expulsion of the Catholics from 
their work, either by the direct application of 
violence, or indirectly by the attempted imposition 
of impudent religious and political tests, was the 
reason for the imposition by Southern Ireland of the 
boycott on Belfast goods. Mr. Collins immediately 
after the signing of the Pact fulfilled his undertaking 
and the boycott was lifted. 


Had Sir James Craig had the will and the courage 
to honour his signature in the same way, Belfast 
might have been spared the months of carnage 

BELFAST, 1922 103 

which have since supervened Let us suppose that 
he had the will, then we are driven to the conclusion 
that he had not the courage to enforce his will. Nor 
is this mere speculation. The master-pogromists 
of the shipyards interposed their veto. On January 
30th a secret meeting was held in Workman and 
Clark's yard and a resolution was passed that the 
men *' would not work with any Papists." In 
acting thus, these men were showing themselves 
more logical than Sir James Craig. They had 
already received Sir James' approval of their action 
in expelling the Catholics, and they naturally 
resented the new orientation of his policy as indi- 
cated in the Pact with Mr. Collins. And to prove 
that they meant their resolution to be no empty 
vapouring the pogrom was renewed during the 
month of February in all its intensity. The 
casualty lists from February 6th till February 25th 
were : 

Catholics ... ... ... 27 

Protestants ... ... ... 16 

Catholics ... ... ... 69 

Protestants ... ... ... 26 

But the mere recital of these figures gives no 
adequate idea of the Terror. Dealing with one 
day alone the Northern Whig had the following 
caption : '* Black Day in Belfast. Twelve Dead ; 
over Forty Wounded. Murders, Bomb-throwing, 

I04 BELFAST, 1 92 2 


It was on this day that occurred a more horrible 
outrage than any that had hitherto disgraced this 
savage city. Weaver Street is a small Catholic 
street sandwiched right in the heart of an ex- 
clusively Protestant area. A crowd of the Catholic 
children of this street were playing here when a 
bomb was hurled into their midst. The savagery 
and callousness of this deed beggar description. 
Two children were killed outright, several were 
blown into the air and mangled ; and four others 
died later in hospital from their wounds. The 
Orange bombers of Belfast had evidently taken to 
heart the words of Cromwell, when he, too, gave 
orders to spare neither age nor sex ; for, said he, 
'' nits will be lice.'' Speaking of this outrage in 
the British House of Commons, Mr. Churchill 
said : ''It is the worst thing that has happened in 
Ireland in the last three years/* Several con- 
tinental papers, however, gave a completely dis- 
torted version of Protestants bombed by Sinn 
Feiners ! 


Another horrible atrocity was that in which Cecil 
Smyth, a Catholic deaf mute, was almost beaten to 
death near his home at New Andrew Street. On 
the 14th of February the Press contained the names 
of another twelve killed and fourteen wounded. 

BELFAST, 1922 105 


The brutal death meted out to many of the 
Catholic victims may be illustrated by the following 
description (officially confirmed) of the murder of 
James Rice (19), a Catholic resident of Avondale 
Street. At 9 p.m. he was set upon at Ravenscroft 
Street by a mob of armed hooligans who knocked 
him down and kicked him unmercifully. His hands 
were tied behind his back and he was blindfolded 
with his own neck-scarf. Thus prostrate, helpless 
and bleeding, he was fired at and killed as he lay 
on the ground. Having done him to death, his 
torturers battered in his skull with their revolvers, 
pulled his coat over his head, and left his mangled 
corpse there. 


Once again the usual attempts were made to make 
it appear that it was Catholic aggression that was 
responsible for this hideous outburst of savagery. 
Sir James Craig wired Mr. Churchill that *' The 
present outbreak began by shootings in Wall Street, 
a mixed locality, on Sunday last.'' But he did not 
mention that, previous to those shootings, Thomas 
Gray (19), a young Catholic assistant in Boyle's 
of Earl Street, had been deliberately murdered in 
the shop by Orange gunmen. It was this cold- 
blooded murder, the first serious act in the counter- 
offensive against the CoUins-Craig Pact, and an 
Orange bombing outrage the same day, that pro- 
voked the series of tragedies which ensued. 

106 BELFAST, 1 92 2 

About the same time as Sir James Craig sent his 
lying wire, Most Rev. Dr. MacRory, Catholic 
Bishop of Belfast, felt compelled to wire Mr. Lloyd 
George about ** the lawlessness in Belfast and the 
butchery of his people.'' He protested also 
against the inactivity of the British military, who 
afforded little or no protection to Catholics against 
the Orange mobs and murder-gangs. 


On February 15th, ten more persons were killed 
and seventeen wounded. A Catholic funeral, that of 
Mr. Patrick Lambe, recently murdered, was fired 
upon from the Orange quarter at Carlisle Circus. 
So aggressive did the Orange mob become on this 
occasion that they had to be dispersed by military 
fire. On the same day Mrs. Brennan, who had 
given birth to a baby only a few days previously, 
had her house raided and she died as a result of 


As this particular orgy of blood was abating some- 
what, the Northern Cabinet, the custodians of 
'* law and order," congratulated the *' loyalists " 
of the Six Counties on the great restraint and self- 
command shown by them under the strain of out- 
rages recently committed. Has ever any respon- 
sible body making a pretence of functioning as a 
Government dared to encourage outrage and 

BELFAST, 1922 107 

murder against a helpless minority in such slightly 
camouflaged terms of approval ? No wonder that 
the Orange mobs and murder gangs, reading this 
official approval of their ** restraint and self-con- 
trol/' measured by the murder of twenty-seven 
Catholics and nearly thrice that number wounded, 
should feel satisfied with themselves and prepare 
to earn greater approbation from their leaders by 
the further exercise of this particular form of 
'* restraint/' The fact, of course, is that the 
gang who control the Belfast Parliament and 
Government have never yet had the faintest glim- 
merings of their functions as a Government ; they 
are simply the representative of a vindictive, 
bigoted and fanatical political party who have con- 
founded government with the pursuance of an 
antiquated and bloody vendetta against the Catholic 
minority in their midst. 


Diarist writes in the Star, i6th February, 1922 : 

'* The English papers are being badly served by 
the Ulster correspondents in the matter of the Belfast 
murders. There is hardly a word to suggest what 
appears to be the fact, that what is happening is a 
sort of Protestant pogrom against the Catholic 

Even this correspondent displays considerable 

hesitancy in facing and making known the very fact 

to which he refers when he qualifies the Belfast 

savagery as '' a sort of Protestant pogrom against 

the Catholic minority." 

Io8 BELFAST, 1 92 2 


The following incident is highly significant and 
helps to reveal the forces which rendered the Pact 
a dead letter on the northern side, assuming that 
Sir James Craig ever really intended to fulfil his 
undertaking. Mr. Tregenna, a well-known Orange 
firebrand employed in one of the shipyards, 
attended a meeting held at Omagh to protest 
against any alteration of the Six-County boundary. 
Ihe presence of Tregenna, brought all the way 
from the Belfast shipyards to address this meeting, 
reveals the ramification of a movement, in which 
the '' boys " of the shipyards were the moving 
spirit, to render not merely Clause 2 but the entire 
Pact nugatory. Sir James Craig, Lord London- 
derry, etc. may sign pacts and express pious hopes, 
but the real dictators of Belfast policy, and at the 
same time its executors, are the Orange shipyard 
workers and their henchmen, the Special Con- 
stabulary. Mr. Tregenna was introduced to the 
Omagh meeting as *' the representation of the 
fighting men of Belfast.'' '' They had enrolled 
40,000 men in the Imperial Guards/' he said, '' to 
stand by Ulster in spite of Lloyd George and the 
intriguers — even of some in the Belfast Parliament. 
He was as strong a labour man as any, but he could 
never find anything strong enough to put forward 
in Labour to override the religious question. The 
Protestant who did not come into the fight for 
Protestantism was not worthy of its name/' 

BELFAST, 1922 109 


Here we have a pronouncement in the straight line 
of descent from that made by Sir Edward Carson 
on a previous occasion when he said that the 
religious aspect of the Ulster question could not be 
over-emphasised. The reference to intriguers in 
the Ulster Parliament was plainly meant as a warn- 
ing to Sir James Craig to toe the line to his ship- 
yard dictators who had no use for pacts or 


As an example of how the ''fight for Protestantism'' 
was to go on, the disabled Catholic ex-soldiers in 
Craigavon military hospital, Belfast, were served 
on February 24th with notices of a very vile kind 
and ordered to clear out within three days. Here 
are the notices : 

'*If any of you traitor dogs are got about the 
place from now look out for what you get. Death 
to Rebels and Papists. Red Hand for ever. Don't 
blame men in hospital, but we won't have you among 
the loyalists." 

** You low-bred swine." 

A second notice, served under the form of a 
telegram, couched in still viler terms, gives, with 
the above, an insight into what '' loyalty '' means 
in Belfast, and into the Orangeman's conception 
of ** civil and religious liberty." Here is the 
telegram : 

** You and your sneaking dogs of Papists must go. 

no BELFAST, ig22 

£(, reward won't save yous, nor all Popes, Priests, 
Holy Water or Holy Marys. Time's up. Go or we 
will riddle every rotten Papist in Craigavon and 
U.V.F. hospital, as you are a rotten lot of " 

Further comment upon this episode is needless 
when it is remembered that those to whom these 
threatening messages were addressed were invalid 
ex-soldiers who had fought for the same King and 
Empire to which their persecutors are so fond of 
paying tributes of lip-loyalty. The crime of which 
these unfortunate ex-soldiers were guilty was that 
of being Catholics. Needless to add, they cleared 
out of the two military hospitals in question, for it 
is never safe to disregard the threats of a Belfast 


Those who do not know Belfast may be surprised 
that, with all the immense machinery, ostensibly 
devised to keep the peace and punish evil-doers, no 
one is ever made amenable for the atrocities com- 
mitted on Catholics. But those who have read 
this book up to this point will have ere now ceased 
to wonder at a fact which, to those accustomed to 
the normal operations of the law only among 
civilised communities, must remain incomprehen- 
sible. Occasionally, perhaps by mistake, an 
Orangeman is arrested for murder ; but arrest on 
a charge of murdering a Catholic need have no 
terrors for the Belfast Orangeman. He knows 
there is hardly the slightest danger of a conviction, 


no matter how overwhelming may be the evidence 
against him. For example, David Duncan, a 
Protestant, long notorious to Catholic circles as a 
leading gunman, was charged with the murder of 
James Mclvor, a Catholic shopkeeper. Bernard 
Monaghan, an ex-soldier, swore that he saw Dun- 
can and another man go to Mclvor's door and fire 
five or six shots which caused Mclvor's death. 
After nine minutes' absence the jury brought in a 
verdict of '' Not guilty." Had Duncan been a 
Catholic brought up on a charge of murdering a 
Protestant, and had similar evidence been tendered 
against him, who that knows the temper and 
mentality of Belfast juries doubts what his fate 
would have been ? 

During the month of February, armed robberies 
and the throwing of bombs into Catholic quarters 
and houses continued, there being at least seven 
authenticated cases of bombing. A feature of the 
slaughters at this period is the fact that the number 
of Catholics murdered in their own homes or shops 
is on the increase in proportion to the number killed 
in general street fighting and sniping. This is due 
to the clearer realisation by the Orange gangs that 
they can carry on their activities with absolute 
impunity under the aegis of the Northern Govern- 
ment which unctuously congratulates them on their 

Of course the outrages were not all on one side. 
Catholics occasionally hit back fiercely enough, but 

112 BELFAST, 1 922 

the injuries they inflicted were small compared 
with what themselves were obliged to suffer. 


In the midst of this scene of a great city rushing 
headlong to its ruin by indulging in an orgy of 
atrocities perpetrated in the name of *' loyalty and 
civil and religious liberty '' upon its Catholic 
minority, and connived at and encouraged by those 
in high places, it is refreshing to have to record the 
courageous protest made at the City Council by a 
Protestant Unionist member, Mr. Thomas Alex- 
ander, solicitor. Denouncing the vendetta, which 
is ruining the city, he said : 

'* Much of it could have been avoided. If the 
spirit of toleration had been shown, Belfast would 
have been saved the scenes which have gone out to 
diF^^a^e it in the eyes of the civilised world. The 
workers would soon find out that they had been 

How unpalatable these biting truths were to the 
Orange bigots of the City Council can be judged 
from the astounding proposal of Alderman Duff, a 
Unionist, that the Press should be asked not to 
report his colleague's remarks. Some of the 
Orange Press acted upon this suggestion and sup- 
pressed much of Councillor Alexander's speech. 


From the preceding pages it can be seen how the 
Collins-Craig Pact was brought to nought. Mr. 

BELFAST, 1922 113 

Collins honoured his signature immediately by 
removing the boycott. On the other hand no 
serious attempt seems to have been made to make 
the Pact effective in Belfast. Sir James Craig may 
have intended to fulfil his obligations, but probably 
found himself helpless before the threats and the 
operations of the shipyard dictators. He had on 
previous occasions surrendered himself so compli- 
antly into their power that they were now not in 
the least disposed to allow him to recover his 
freedom of action. At any rate, he failed to make 
good his promise. Under the leadership of the 
Tregennas, Cootes and ''McGuffins of the crowd," 
the ' ' fight for Protestantism ' ' had to go on ; and 
the '* fight for Protestantism '' is a Belfast 
euphemism for the '* extermination of the Papists, 
Popes, Priests, Holy Water and Holy Marys.'' 

MARCH, 1922 


The task of torpedoing the CoUins-Craig Pact, 
begun immediately after its signing and carried 
on methodically during the month of February, was 
continued and intensified during the month of 
March, The work begun of '' evacuating ** the 
Catholic ex-service men recovering from their 
wounds in two military hospitals was followed up, on 
March i , by a murderous attack upon a number of 
Catholics engaged in relaying the tram-track on the 

114 BELFAST, 1923 

Antrim Road, a supposed respectable Protestant 
residential quarter. These Catholic workmen 
were also ex-soldiers of the British Army who had 
seen service on many fronts during the European 
War. Their attackers had probably, many of them, 
never been in the army, having been among the 
stay-at-homes who had earned bloated wages on 
Government work, and who, feeling secure in their 
indispensability, had clamoured for the application 
of Conscription knowing that it would not affect 
themselves. Policemen who endeavoured to arrest 
these Orange gunmen were frustrated by the inter- 
vention of a crowd that had quickly assembled. 
The miscreants, as usual, were not made amenable. 


During the next two weeks a crescendo of murder, 
bombing, rioting and general anarchy continued, 
reaching a maximum towards the middle of the 
month. Between the 26th of February and the 
13th of March the casualties were : 

Killed ... ... ... 27 

Wounded ... ... ... 165 

Some of the more dastardly of the outrages, of 
which these casualties were the result, are worthy 
of brief mention. 

On March 4th Owen Hughes, a Catholic from 
Skegoniel Street, was brutally murdered on the top 
of a tram by Orange gunmen. 

Three Catholic children were seriously wounded 

BELFAST, 1922 115 

by a bomb thrown into the house of a Catholic, 
John Press, in Lanark Street. 

On March 9th two Catholic funerals were sniped 
at despite the presence of British armoured cars. 

On March loth Lieutenant Bruce, of the Sea- 
forth Highlanders, who had on several occasions 
taken measures of protection in favour of Catholics 
among whom he was, therefore, popular, was mur- 
dered just after Curfew. He had been seeing to 
her home a Catholic young lady to whom he had 
confided that he was afraid of injury from no one 
but the Specials. 

During the week-end 1 1 — 12th, there were seven 
killed and eight wounded. The smallness of the 
number of wounded relative to that of the killed 
indicates the ever-increasing sense of security felt 
by the Orange murder-gangs in carrying out their 


A NOTORIOUS Orange sniper, H. Hazzard, was 
shot by the military. His funeral cortege was 
purposely made to pass through the small Catholic 
village of Greencastle. The '' mourners " in- 
dulged in a regular orgy of provocation and 
atrocities during their passage through the village, 
shot dead a man named McNally and wrecked and 
looted many houses. The Orange newspapers 
thereupon circulated the stereotyped lie that this 
funeral had been fired at. 

Il6 BELFAST, 1922 


On March 12th three armed ruffians knocked at 
the door of 99 Great George's Street. Mrs. 
Neeson, who was on the eve of her confinement, 
opened the door, and as she did so she was shot and 
died within a few minutes. Needless to say, she 
was a Catholic. Exactly a week before, a bomb had 
been thrown into this same house and shop, owned 
by William Dempter, a Catholic grocer, and much 
damage done to the premises. 


On March 13th, by means of a ruse of the Orange 
mob, a ghastly atrocity was committed. A false 
alarm was given to the fire brigade to come to the 
Catholic end of Foundry Street. On their arrival, 
a crowd naturally gathered around to see what was 
the matter. Thereupon a bomb was hurled into 
the middle of the crowd. Twelve were seriously 
wounded and awful scenes of agony were witnessed. 


At this period there was talk of the imposition of 
Martial Law. Such a step would have been 
welcomed by the Catholics if its administration were 
left entirely in the hands of the military without 
any interference from bigoted officials of the Orange 
Government. The Coroner, Dr. Graham, at an 
inquest said he would like to know how many men 
the Lord Mayor wanted murdered before Martial 

BELFAST, 1922 117 

Law would be brought in. Frequent comment was 
being made by sensible people on all hands as to 
why the Lord Mayor was persistently refusing to 
summon a meeting of city magistrates with a view 
to devising some means of restoring order to the 


The mystery surrounding this masterly inactivity 
of the city's chief magistrate was to be revealed 
later, on the authority of Sir James Craig. On 
March 14th the latter delivered himself of the fol- 
lowing remarks in the Northern Parliament : 

" I myself am dead against any suggestion of 
martial law. .... If we have martial law our 
cause in England will suffer immediately and in- 
tensely. They will say one side is as bad as the 

Could any words more clearly reveal the men- 
tality of the Belfast Government, which is that of 
a sectarian political party, ever on the qui-vive to 
score a point, to down its political opponents by any 
means, to whitewash its own enormities, totally 
indifferent to the universal conception of the func- 
tions of government ? What does it matter to Sir 
James Craig if the Catholics are tortured, murdered, 
sniped, bombed, evacuated and exterminated, 
without distinction of age, sex or condition, in com- 
parison with such an awful calamity as that '' our 
cause in England will suffer immediately and 

Il8 BELFAST, 1922 

What is to be thought of the arrant hypocrisy of 
the man who, in view of all that has happened in 
Belfast, still seeks to have the world believe that 
his criminal followers are not as bad as their 
victims ! 


As to the danger of the English people saying that 
** one side is as bad as the other,'' we quote the 
following extract from the speech on the same 
occasion of Sir James Craig's Cabinet colleague, 
Lord Londonderry : 

** The fact that a section of those who saw eye to 
eye with them (i.e. with the Belfast Government) on 
the political situation were implicated in outrages as 
reprehensible as those committed by Sinn Fein was 
placing their Government in an impossible situation. 
When negotiating with British Ministers, he should 
like to appear before them with clean hands. That 
was by no means the case now." 

These words are remarkable as being the first 
admission, tentative it is true, of any conduct on 
the part of the Orange population not altogether 
consistent with angelic virtue. Tentative, how- 
ever, as this admission is, it is in strong contrast to 
the blatant perversity and hypocrisy of Sir James 
Craig's reasons against the imposition of Martial 
Law — reasons which, after twenty months of effort 
by the Orange side to drive out the Catholics by 
boycotting, burning, bombing, shooting, looting 
and murdering, were not very complimentary to 
British intelligence. 

BELFAST, 1922 119 


We have pleasure in recording one incident which 
relieves the sordid gloom of this tragic period. 
Herbert Woods, a Protestant victim of the riots, 
was buried on March 13th by Catholics, who 
accompanied his remains in immense numbers to 
the gates of the Protestant Cemetery. Rev. Mr. 
Dunlop, who officiated at the grave, referred to the 
tolerant action of the Catholics. He had come all 
the way, he said, through the Catholic district of 
the Falls, but he did not need any protection, for 
he knew that the Catholics would not harm him no 
matter where he went. 


These remarks shared the same fate at the hands 
of the Orange Press as did those of Councillor 
Alexander referred to before. They were sup- 
pressed. The truth of Mr. Dunlop 's statement is 
borne out by the significant fact that a number of 
Protestant Churches in the Catholic area of the 
Falls have never, even in the wildest days of dis- 
order and passion, been interfered with,* nor have 
their congregations or ministers been ever molested. 
The second half of March is just a continuance 
of the conditions of the first half, culminating on the 
24th in what has come to be known as the 

* See exceptional incident, page 134. 

I20 BELFAST, 1 92 2 

McMahon Massacre. From the 15th to the 
24th the casualties were : 

Killed ... ... ... 23 

Wounded ... ... ... 40 

Amongst the killed were William Kane, a Catholic 
milk vendor, pursued into a shop in Newtownards 
Road and shot dead by an Orange gang. Another 
brutal murder was that of a Catholic young man, 
Augustus Orange, shot dead on the morning of the 
1 8th, when returning home after Curfew from a 
Patrick's Night Ceilidh in St. Mary's Hall. James 
Hillis, a Catholic, died in hospital on March 20th. 
He was shot, then brutally beaten, his head battered 
in and his teeth kicked out. Of the twenty-three 
killed, the large majority were Catholics, and the 
same is true of the wounded. 

During this period six bomb outrages occurred, 
all against Catholics. A bomb was hurled into the 
playground of St. Matthew's Catholic School dur- 
ing play hour. Fortunately the children had not 
been allowed out that day. Another bomb was 
flung into the porch of St. Matthew's Church, 
wounding two women, Madge Carson, 25, Sheriff 
Street, and Rose Martin, 13, Arnon Street. 


On March 24th occurred the McMahon massacre. 
This horror received such publicity at the time that 
only its main outlines need be touched upon here. 
At 1.20 a.m. five men dressed partiajly in uniform 

BELFAST, 1922 121 

burst in the door of 3 Kennaird Terrace, Antrim 
Road, the residence of a well-known business man, 
Mr. McMahon. The members of the family were 
aroused and the male members, including the 
father, his five sons and a shopman, Edward 
McKenney, were driven into the sitting-room. 
Here they were ranged against the wall and shot. 
Three of the sons and the shopman were killed out- 
right. Two other sons and the father were 
seriously wounded, the latter dying a few hours 
later in hospital. This tragedy was alleged to be 
a reprisal for the shooting of two policemen on the 
previous day. 


The assassination of the McMahon family fairly 
shocked a great portion of the civilised world. It 
was to be followed just one week after by a butchery 
in several respects even more revolting. This was 
known as The Arnon Street Massacre, in which 
half-a-dozen people were slaughtered hy police in 
the dead of night. The following from the June 
number of Studies, a high-class quarterly, by a 
painstaking investigator^ who visited the scenes 
desciibed, is worth quoting : 

" Stanhope Street stands high and looks down 
across a boundary street, held by soldiers as I passed, 
into the Old Lodge Road, leading towards the heart 
of the city. The latter is an Orange street that 
bends after about 200 yards and is then lost to view. 

• Rev. P. J. Gannon, S J. 


122 BELFAST, 1 92 2 

It was here that at 10.30 p.m. on April i Constable 
Turner was shot dead by a rifle bullet. Who fired 
it? The Cathohc Committee of Defence in a telegram 
to Mr. Churchill denied that any Catholic did so. The 
people of the district say they certainly were not 
responsible for it. I was even told, though I give it 
with reserve, that at a military inquiry the soldiers 
said it could not have come from Stanhope Street." 


*' As Sir J. Craig obstinately refused the inquiry 
pressed for, both by the Catholic Committee and 
Mr. Collins, we must leave it at that. Word was 
soon brought to Brown Square Barracks, and before 
11.30 some lorries of R.I.C. and Specials came along. 
The police got down and started raiding at No. 15 
Stanhope Street. Bursting in the door, they cried 
out, * Where are the men?' Two were living in this 
house, but when the lorries were heard in the street, 
one of them, Joseph McRory, ran out by the back 
door and into the yard of the next house. But other 
police were already there and he came back to the 
yard of No. 15. 

** Meantime the other man, whom we shall call H. 
(as he still lives, his name had better not be given), 
thought of his two children, and, rushing upstairs, 
took one under each arm, seizing also an old quilt. 
He then hurried out to the little yard, where he lay 
down among a mass of debris, placed his children 
beside him and drew the quilt over all three. I 
saw the spot and was filled with astonishment that, 
even in the dark, the ruse could have succeeded in 
such a space. 

** McRory would seem to have lost his head or his 
nerve. H. begged him to fly, but he said, ' I can't; 
we're surrounded.' Meantime the saviours of Bel- 
fast had broken through the doors. One covered 
McRory with a revolver and shouted, * Hands up!' 
McRory put up his hands, exclaiming, * Oh, son, I 
never harmed anyone. * None of your ** sonning " 
me,' was the reply. A few shots rang out and 

BELFAST, 1922 123 

Joseph McRory, a middle-aged man of peaceful dis* 
position, fell dead. 

** No men apparently were found in the other 
houses until No. 26, Park Street, off Stanhope Street, 
was reached. Here they came upon a sailor, just 
home from sea, named Bernard McKenna. Rushing 
up to the bedroom, where he was standing near the 
fire, half-undressed, they shot him several times. He 
leaves seven children. 

** The next house where a victim was unearthed 
was 16, Arnon Street, parallel to Stanhope Street. 
In this William Spallin dwelt, who that very day had 
buried his wife, herself the victim of some earlier affray. 
He was in bed with his grandchild, a boy of twelve 
years. The little lad is said to have shouted: * Kill 
me; dont kill daddy,' as he called his grandfather. 
But they shot the old man — aged seventy. Half-an- 
hour later the child was found still sitting up in the 
bed gazing in horror at the murdered man and 
exclaiming: * Look at daddy! Look at daddy!* 


'' No. 18 Arnon Street was next visited, and here 
the climax was reached. Even to see the scene and 
hear the story a fortnight later caused a sense of 
nausea. A family named Walsh lived in the house, 
of whom the two adult men — brothers — ^were ex- 
soldiers who had been through the Great War. As 
the policemen were beating with a sledge-hammer at 
the door, the old mother thought it best to open it. 
They then swept past her and up the narrow stairs 
to the bedroom where Joseph Walsh lay, with his son 
Michael (aged seven) on one side and little Brigid 
(aged two) on the other. They fired some shots, 
for three were found in Michael, who died next morn- 
ing. Whether they shot the father or not no one 
seemed to know. But the sledge-hammer sufficed. 
The priest who came to the house within half-an-hour 
told me what he saw. The skull was open and empty ; 
while the whole mass of the brains was on the bolster 
almost a foot away. On descending they found a 

124 BELFAST, 1 922 

young lad, Frank Walsh, aged fourteen, crouching 
in the kitchen. Him they kicked and shot in the 
thigh, but not fatally. Thus was Constable Turner 

** I asked to see the room upstairs. The wife 
shrank from conducting me. She had not ventured 
to enter it since that night. But the brother, an ex- 
soldier, had stronger nerves and showed me all- — the 
bolster soaked with blood, and the two straw mat- 
tresses deeply stained with it. He even raised them 
up and pointed out pieces of the skull upon the floor, 
and fragments of dried brain. How they swung a 
sledge-hammer in that narrow space I know not. 
But the blow smashed the skull as it would a cocoa- 
nut. The brother presented me with a few small 
pieces in paper, and I still retain this gruesome trophy 
of Belfast civilisation and an empire's gratitude to 
the men who fought for it. 

** ' And, Father,' said the brother, 'poor Joseph 
was all over the Holy Land and used to tell us all 
about the holy places.' 

*' The Northern Premier has been repeatedly 
pressed to grant an impartial inquiry into events of 
that night, but has always declined. The precisest 
information has been laid before him implicating his 
own police. Yet no pressure can obtain the slightest 
attempt to bring the culprits to justice." 

APRIL, 1922 


It is a political platitude that an unjust and perse- 
cuting Government is in most cases a very expensive 
luxury for a community. Yet the Belfast Govern- 
ment, whose financial straits have already often been 
dilated upon by its own Ministers, has never found 
any necessity to use a ''Geddes' Axe" to cut down 

BELFAST, 1922 125 

expenditure on the machinery devised for the per- 
secution, expropriation, and extermination of the 
Catholic minority. In this matter the Belfast 
Government have at their beck and call a Fairy 
Godmother whose prodigality has oftentimes of 
late been the subject of grateful comment by Sir 
James Craig. The Fairy Godmother is the 
British Government. Speaking in the House of 
Commons on the 27th March, Mr. Churchill said : 

*' We have placed very large military forces in 
Ulster and we will place larger ones if they are 
needed. We have issued over 15,000 rifles and a 
considerable proportion of transport to the Ulster 
Special Police, and we are bearing out of monies pro- 
vided by this House very heavy expenditure for the 
maintenance of the police, of whom 25,000, armed 
and unarmed, are at present mobilised.'** 

A few weeks later the number of '' Specials '' 
was officially placed at 49,000. 

PACT No. 2. 

On the 30th March a second and comprehensive 
Pact was signed in London between representatives 
of the Provisional Government and of the Northern 
Government and countersigned on behalf of the 
British Government. The text is as follows : 

• Included in a Supplementary Estimate for the British Civil 
Service issued on the 20th July, 1922, is an item of £2,225.000 for 
a grant in aid of the Six County Area as a contribution towards 
present abnormal expenditure, '" not to be audited in detail." and 
balance, if any, to be returned. 

126 BELFAST. 1922 


Heads of Agreement between the Pro- 
visional Government and Government 
OF Northern Ireland : 

L Peace is to-day declared. 

II. From to-day the two Governments undertake to 
co-operate in every way in their power with a 
view to the restoration of peaceful conditions in 
the unsettled areas. 

III. The police in Belfast to be organised in general 

in accordance with the following conditions: 
(i) Special police in mixed districts to be com- 
posed half of Catholics and half of 
Protestants, special arrangements to be 
made where Catholics or Protestants are 
living in other districts. All Specials not 
required for this force to be withdrawn to 
their homes and their arms handed in. 

(2) An Advisory Committee, composed of 

Catholics, to be set up to assist in the 
selection of Catholic recruits for the 
Special Police. 

(3) All pdice on duty, except the usual secret 

service, to be in uniform and officially 

(4) All arms and ammunition issued to police 

to be deposited in barracks in charge of 
a military or other competent officer when 
the policeman is not on duty, and an 
official record to be kept of all arms 
issued, and of all ammunition issued and 

(5) Any search for arms to be carried out by 

police forces composed half of Catholics 
and half of Protestants, the military 
rendering any necessary assistance. 

IV. A Court to be constituted for the trial without 
jury of persons charged with serious crime, the 
Court to consist of the Lord Chief Justice and 

BELFAST, 1922 127 

one of the Lords Justices of Appeal of Northern 
Ireland. Any person committed for trial for a 
serious crime to be tried by that Court — 

(a) if he so requests, or 

(b) if the Attorney-General for Northern Ire- 

land so directs. 

Serious crime should be taken to mean any offence 
punishable with death, penal servitude, or imprison- 
ment for a term exceeding six months. The Govern- 
ment of Northern Ireland will take steps for passing 
the legislation necessary to give effect to this Article. 

V. A Committee to be set up in Belfast of equal 
numbers. Catholic and Protestant, with an in- 
dependent Chairman, preferably Catholic and 
Protestant alternately in successive weeks, to 
hear and investigate complaints as to mtimida- 
tion, outrages, etc., such Committee to have 
direct access to the heads of the Government. 
The local Press to be approached with a view 
to inserting only such reports of disturbances, 
etc., as shall have been considered and com- 
municated by this Committee. 
VI. I.R.A. activity to cease in the Six Counties, and 
thereupon the method of organising the Special 
Police in the Six Counties outside Belfast shall 
proceed as speedily as possible upon lines 
similar to those agreed to for Belfast. 
VII. During the month immediately following the 
passing into law of the Bill confirming the Con- 
stitution of the Free State (being the month 
within which the Northern Parliament is to 
exercise its option) and before any address in 
accordance with Article 12 of the Treaty is pre- 
sented, there shall be a further meeting between 
the signatories to this agreement with a view 
to ascertaining: 

(a) whether means can be devised to secure 

the unity of Ireland. 

(b) Failing this, whether agreement can be 
arrived at on the boundary question other- 
wise than by recourse to the Boundary 

128 BELFAST, 1 92 2 

Commission outlined in Article 12 of the 

VIII. The return to their homes of persons who have 
been expelled to be secured by the respective 
Governments, the advice of the Committee men- 
tioned in Article 5 to be sought in cases of 

IX. In view of the special conditions consequent on 
the political situation in Belfast and neighbour- 
hood, the British Government will submit to 
Parliament a vote not exceeding ;^50o,ooo for 
the Ministry of Labour of Northern Ireland to be 
expended exclusively on relief work, one-third 
for the benefit of Roman Catholics and two- 
thirds for the benefit of Protestants. The 
Northern signatories agree to use every effort 
to secure the restoration of the expelled workers, 
and wherever this proves impracticable at the 
moment, owing to trade depression, they will 
be afforded employment on the relief works 
referred to in this Article so far as the one-third 
limit will allow, Protestant ex-service men to be 
given first preference in respect to the two- 
thirds of the said fund. 

X. The two Governments shall, in cases agreed 
upon between the signatories, arrange for the 
release of political prisoners in prison for 
offences before the date hereof. No offences 
committed after March 31st, 1922, shall be open 
to consideration. 

XL The two Governments unite in appealing to all 
concerned to refrain from inflammatory speeches 
and to exercise restraint in the interests of 

Signed on behalf of the PROVISIONAL GOVERN- 


BELFAST, 1922 129 

Signed on behalf of the GOVERNMENT OF 


Countersigned on behalf of the BRITISH GOVERN- 



Once again are we in presence of the struggle for 
mastery between the '' Will to Peace '' and the 
'' Will to War." On the one side we have the 
Northern Government through its signatories 
becoming a party to an agreement of which the very 
first term is ' ' Peace is to-day declared ' ' and of 
which the remaining terms, if carried out in earnest, 
gave considerable promise of restoring some 
semblance of civilization to Belfast. But on the 
other hand, stands the army of Specials whose 
existence as a '' Pretorian Guard " of the Ulster 
junker was threatened by the very terms of the 
Pact, and in the background stand the mob, the 
Orange lodges, the '' boys,'' the murder gangs, 
whilst decent Protestants are cowed into silence 
by the gunmen. What is the issue going to be ? 
Is the new Pact to meet the same fate as the former 

130 BELFAST, 1922 


The issue was not left long in doubt. After signing 
the first Collins-Craig Agreement in February, a 
short lull supervened. But it was only a lull. Full 
activities were afoot again. But this time there 
was not even a lull. The Pact was issued from the 
Colonial Office, London, on the night of the 30th 
March. It appeared in the Press of the 31st 
March. On the night of the ist April, within forty- 
eight hours of its issue, was perpetrated the most 
horrible as yet of the Belfast massacres, known as 
Arnon Street butchery, described above, in which 
half-a-dozen people were slaughtered by police in 
dead of night. 


The Arnon Street massacre was the answer prompt 
and decisive of the '' boys " and the Specials to 
the politicians, or, as Mr. Tregenna on a former 
occasion styled them, *' the intriguers in the Bel- 
fast Parliament," who may have foolishly thought 
that the bestowal of peace was within their power. 
But, as on a previous occasion, the Belfast Govern- 
ment were quickly brought up against the realities 
of the situation. They were only a Government 
in name and would be allowed to govern just in so 
far as their armed forces and mobs would allow. 
No wonder that at a later date Sir James Craig, 
when trying to explain away his failure to honour 

BELFAST, 1922 131 

the Pact, was compelled feebly to admit that certain 
occurrences rendered the carrying out of its terms 
impossible. In fact, so completely had the in- 
transigeant elements gained the upper hand that 
when the Advisory Committee mentioned in the 
Pact was got together the Specials actually 
arrested some of the Catholic members and 
attempted to arrest the remainder. 

The month of April keeps fairly up to its 
ghastly opening in its record of tragedies. In 
addition to those slaughtered on the night of 
the Arnon Street massacre there were 31 violent 
deaths during the month. Of these the majority 
were Catholics. One was Bernard McMahon, the 
fifth victim of the McMahon massacre. Another 
was Michael Walsh, aged seven, who died as a 
result of wounds received in the Arnon Street 
massacre. A third was Mary Owens who died of 
the effects of the bomb thrown amongst the crowd 
of children at play in Weaver Street on 13th 


Some days a bloodier toll was exacted than on 
others. For instance, on the 14th at least four 
murders were committed. Three of them seem to 
have been clearly the work of the same Orange 
gang, and the singular thing is that two of the 
victims were Protestants who, owing to the circum- 
stances, were undoubtedly mistaken for Catholics. 

132 BELFAST, 1922 

In quite a number of instances during the past two 
years it has been only too clear that such tragic 
mistakes were made. The same day a Catholic 
locomotive man at the Midland Railway was shot 
dead while cleaning his engine. 


On the 17th the little Catholic quarter of Marrow- 
bone was assailed by a furious Orange horde 
returning from a football match, as on several 
previous occasions. The unfortunate residents 
were terrorised by revolver firing for hours, 
several of them were wounded and then the at- 
tackers wound up the business by wholesale looting 
and burning of houses. Fifty Catholic families had 
to fly from their blazing homesteads. Antigua 
Street was practically burned out, Saunderson 
Street fared little better. The fire-bugs did their 
work leisurely and thoroughly, and did it under the 
eyes of large numbers of British Crown forces and 
Special Police paid by British money. These, (if 
they did not actually assist the incendiary mob, and 
it has been widely alleged that they did), made no 
serious effort to prevent the destruction. What- 
ever little property those poor people had was for 
the most part looted by their ''loyalist'' neighbours 
before the houses were fired. What could not be 
carried away was smashed or burned. Three were 
killed and seventeen seriously injured in connection 
with this orgy. 

BELFAST, 1922 133 


On the 19th five more Catholics were slaughtered. 
Two of them were young women, Mrs. Donegan 
and Miss Berry. They were pursued upstairs by 
a gang and deliberately shot dead. Another was 
a child of thirteen, Mary Keenan, shot fatally as 
she was playing at a lamp-post, whilst her baby 
companion was wounded also. A fourth was 
Patrick McGoldrick, butchered in his own shop. 

On the 2ist five more victims are registered — 
four Catholics and one Protestant, murdered ap- 
parently as a reprisal. On the 22nd a Protestant 
lad of seventeen, named Best, who had been fre- 
quently seen attending a Catholic hospital to get 
his hand treated, was. found shot dead in an 
exclusively Protestant area. Another mistake, 
clearly enough. 


On the evening of the 23rd (Sunday), as the people 
were going into their church in Ballymacarrett for 
devotions, a bomb was hurled into the door of the 
sacred edifice from the Orange street adjacent, 
Bryson Street. A most respectable woman, Mrs. 
McCabe, was killed, a policeman and some others 
wounded. This is at least the sixth bomb hurled 
at the same church. An *' official *' version of 
this incident was published by the Belfast Govern- 
ment which would do credit to Sir Hamar Green- 
wood himself 

134 BELFAST, 1922 


On April 9th a number of Catholic youngsters, 
none of whom was over fifteen years of age, got 
into Albert Street Presbyterian Church and did 
some damage, carrying off part of the communion 
plate. The young miscreants were rounded up by 
their parents and several of the Catholic neighbours 
and the purloined property was, as far as possible, 
restored. The nasty outrage was strongly con- 

From a most reliable source we take the follow- 
ing summary of atrocities committed on Catholics 
from the ist of the month until this date, 24th : 

Murdered, 14 men, 3 women and 4 children. 

Attempted murders, 27. 

Wounded, 39. 

Houses looted and burned, 75. 

Houses bombed, 5. 

Families evicted, 89. 

Persons homeless, 357. 

From the agonies suffered by many people dur- 
ing this terrible time, one instance, not the only 
one of its kind, may be recorded. 

On the i8th April Mrs. McKnight, of 58, Glen- 
view Street, mother of nine children, confined at 
6.30 a.m., was driven from her home by an Orange 
mob at noon the same day. 


Here a reference may be made to a document 
signed and issued by the heads of the Protestant 

BELFAST, 1922 135 

churches in Belfast, by way of rejoinder to a pro- 
test made by the Catholic hierarchy against the 
denial to Catholics in Belfast of the natural right 
to earn their daily bread, etc. The signatories are 
Dr. D'Arcy, Protestant Archbishop of Armagh ; 
Dr. Grierson, Protestant Bishop of Down and 
Connor and Dromore ; Dr. Lowe, Moderator of the 
Presbyterian General Assembly; and Rev. W. H. 
Smyth, President of the Methodist Conference. 

The statements made therein are amazing in 
view of the widely known and acknowledged facts. 
We must only assume that the right rev. and rev. 
signatories have not gone beyond the discredited 
Orange Press for their information on the subject 
in hand : 

** It is not true," they say, *' that Roman Catholics 
have been denied their natural right to earn their 
daily bread. The shipyard workers did not exclude 
any man because of his religion. A reign of terror 
was organized by gangs of gunmen, who encamped 
in certain quarters of the city of Belfast, made war 
upon its people, throwing bombs into tramcars full of 
workers, and savagely shooting down men, women 
and children. This was an attempt to intimidate the 
loyalists. It is not true that able-bodied Protestants 
are supplied with arms to harass their Roman 
Catholic neighbours. The Northern Government is 
showing itself quite impartial in its efforts to put 
down all illegal use and carrying of arms. The fact 
is that the trouble in Belfast is political and not 
religious. It is an effort to paralyse the Northern 
Government. Speaking for the clergy and people of 
the churches we represent, we can conscientiously 
affirm that we and our people are, and have been, 
doing everything in our power to prevent the struggle 

136 BELFAST, 1922 

from becoming a religious one. We deeply regret the 
fact that there have been reprisals. It is not an easy 
thmg for a powerful majority to submit tamely to 
such treatment at the hands of an aggressive 
minority. But we have done everything in our power 
to prevent the dreadful competition in evil which is 
the inevitable consequence of reprisals. Special ser- 
vices and public meetings have been held for the 
express purpose of denouncing murder, by whomso- 
ever committed, and of warning against rendering 
evil for evil. As to the Northern Government, it has 
shown in many ways its earnest desire that Roman 
Catholics should have their full share in the public 
and private life of Northern Ireland. It has offered 
them many appointments. It is ready to give them 
more than their share in its police forces. It is 
eagerly anxious that they should claim and enjoy 
equal rights with all others in the citizenship of 
Northern Ireland.*' 

It is hoped that the present volume, though 
giving but a mere fraction of the two years' out- 
rages on Belfast Catholics, will be found a sufficient 
reply to the statements, unsupported by evidence 
of any kind, issued by the four heads of the 
Protestant churches. 


It will be sufficient to point out here that the first 
definitely traceable act of aggression alleged by the 
learned signatories as a reason for excluding 
thousands of Catholics from their work in July, 
1920, was a bomb thrown at a tramcar full of 
pogromist workmen on 22nd November, 192 1 — 
just sixteen months after. The first bomb thrown 

BELFAST, 1922 137 

in Belfast by either side in connection with the 
pogrom was a year after the expulsions from the 
shipyards, nth June, 192 1 ; and that and four- 
teen other bomb outrages were perpetrated upon 
Catholics by Orange ruffians before a Catholic was 
even accused of throwing a bomb,^ 

Following is a list of the pogrom bombings for 
1921 : 

June II. — Two bombs in Dock Lane. One killed, 
others wounded. 

July 14. — Bomb exploded in house of Mary 
Leonard, 7, Garmoyle Street. 

August 21. — Tyrone Street. Six injured. 

August 22. — North Queen Street. (Didn't ex- 

August 27. — House of Mr. Moan wrecked. 

August 29. — Several bombs in Vere Street area. 
No damage. 

September 2. — Mrs. Doherty's, Boundary Street. 
Woman injured. 

September 19. — Little Patrick Street. Two dud 

September 20. — Glenview Street. Two men 

September 21. — House in Beechfield Street. 

September 23. — Into Foundry Street. Woman 

September 25. — ^^Bomb thrown into Seaforde Street. 
Thrown back. Two killed and thirty-four wounded. 

September 26. — Bomb thrown among children in 
Milewater Street. Ex-soldier killed, several children 

*A Catholic was, indeed, accused, and, as is well known, 
wrongly accused, and was sentenced to penal servitude for a 
bomb thrown at the military in April, This, however, had 
nothing at all to do with the pogrom. 

138 BELFAST, 1922 

October 16.— Bomb thrown into Seaforde Street. 

November 14. — Bomb thrown into Catholic quarteir 
in Ballymacarrett; bursts in air. 

November 22. — Tramcar bombed in Corporation 
Street. Two killed, several injured. 

November 24. — Tramcar bombed in Royal Avenue. 
One killed, sixteen wounded. 

November 29. — Bomb thrown into Keegan Street 
(Catholic). Kills Mrs. McNamara, mother of eight. 

December 28. — Bomb thrown into Falls Road. 

Fourteen out of the first fifteen cases above 
mentioned have never been for a moment in doubt. 
The bombs were all, without exception, hurled into 
Catholic houses or Catholic streets. The only in- 
stance where question might have been raised was 
that of the bomb thrown back from Seaforde Street, 
September 25th. 

MAY, 1922 


The last week of April and the first week of May, 
though far from peaceful, witnessed a welcome 
improvement in the Belfast situation. On the loth 
and nth the Orange terrorism began to break forth 
again by frequent firing into the Catholic districts 
of Ardoyne and the Marrowbone. 

On the 12th a brutal murder occurred in the 
former area. Michael Cullen, a quiet Catholic 
man of middle age, residing at 27, Havanna 

BELFAST, 1922 139 

Street, was held up on his way home from 
work by a murder gang of four who made him hold 
up his hands, demanding whether he was a 
Catholic ; and on his replying, *' What is that to 
you?'' fired several shots into him. These 
particulars were ascertained from the victim him- 
self in the Mater Hospital before his death a little 


On the 13th and 14th four more lives were taken, 
including a little girl (Catholic) of thirteen shot 
dead by a sniper in Marine Street. A dozen were 
wounded. One of the men killed was an Orange- 
man named Beattie, and on the occasion of his 
funeral on the i6th large numbers of the 
• ' mourners ' ' behaved in a most riotous and revolt- 
ing way, not quite uncommon at Orange funerals 
for some time past. Large gangs of them swept 
along in front of the remains, ordered people on 
every side, if they thought they were Catholics, 
and always in a gross, offensive manner, to un- 
cover, even while the hearse was still perches 
away. People who did not do so promptly enough 
were in many instances mauled. Hats of by- 
standers were knocked off. The hooligan 
*' mourners '' also rushed into Catholic houses 
along the route compelling the owners to lower the 
blinds, and conducting themselves with great 
insolence meanwhile. Some shots were fired in 

140 BELFAST, 1922 

the neighbourhood, and then an armoured car fired 
into a small Catholic street. Who fired the first 
shots may be hard to ascertain, but those familiar 
with Belfast Orange methods will not readily 
believe that they were fired by Catholics. Nobody 
at the funeral was hit, of course, and the military 
got an excuse for firing into a Catholic street. 
That is how the game is commonly played by the 

Farther on along the route someone was hit. 
At the door of a fruit shop in North Street, a 
Catholic young man of twenty-one, named Madden, 
was busy unloading cases from his van when about 
twenty of those '* mourners,'' leaving the funeral 
procession in Royal Avenue, walked up to the 
youth and one of them said, '' What religion are 
you — are you a Catholic.^" Madden smiled, but 
made no reply. Then the ruffian drew a revolver 
and shot him through the heart. 

Another Catholic was killed next day ; five the 
day following. 

On the 19th three Protestant men were killed 
while at work in Little Patrick Street. A con- 
stable (Protestant) pursuing some men engaged in 
a hold-up was fatally shot in Millfield. 


On the 20th the murder gangs operated over 
several areas of the city and thirteen persons were 
slain, twelve Catholics and one Protestant and 

BELFAST, 1922 141 

nearly a score were wounded. A Catholic lady and 
her daughter, Mrs. and Miss Shiels, were shot, 
though not fatally, by a gang who invaded their 
house in Alexandra Park Avenue. The congrega- 
tion were fired upon when leaving St. Matthew's 
Catholic Church, one man being shot through the 
body. The small Catholic group in Weaver Street 
area were attacked in great force and most of them 
driven out at the point of the revolver, one resident 
being killed during the operations. 

On the 2ist (Sunday) a Catholic young man, 
Hugh MacDonald, was dragged from a tram in an 
Orange quarter and kicked to death on the street. 
His head and face were in pulp on his arrival at the 

On the 22nd three Catholics and three Protestants 
were done to death, one of the latter being Mr. W. 
J. Twaddell, a Member of the Northern Parliament. 

Two died from wounds on the 23rd. Three 
were slain on the 24th. Five, including a girl of 
nineteen (Catholic), were murdered, and one died 
of wounds on the 25th. On each of these days 
large numbers were wounded. 


Among the victims of the 25th was Jack O'Hare, 
a porter well known in one of the city hotels. He 
was a Catholic. Going home across the Albert 
Bridge about 10 o'clock he was surrounded by an 
Orange gang who knocked him down and kicked 

142 BELFAST, 1922 

him till they thought he was dead. They were on 
the point of leaving him to look for further victims, 
no doubt, when he managed to ask for a drink. 
The loyalists thereupon turned back and again 
attacked him. They lifted and flung him over the 
parapet of the bridge into the river beneath, where 
he cried once or twice for help and then sank to 
his death. Special police and military were stand- 
ing only a few yards from where this horror was 
perpetrated. His friends when dragging the river 
for his body on the six following days were fre- 
quently fired upon. 

Two were killed on the 26th. One of these, 
Alexander Morrison, was a Protestant from Bally- 
clare, murdered, obviously by being mistaken for 
a Catholic, in an exclusively loyalist district on 
Albert Bridge Road. 

The 27th had three dead, and the 29th three 
more, with a big batch of wounded each day. 


But the 31st of May will always be remembered 
as probably the most hideous date in the two years 
of horrors in Belfast. 

Two men, shortly after four o'clock, came up to 
two Special Constables standing at the corner of 
a street in Millfield and, drawing revolvers, shot 
one of them fatally and wounded the other. There 
are very few Catholics in Belfast who would not 
strongly condemn a murderous act of this kind. 

BELFAST, 1922 143 

Who the perpetrators were probably none but them- 
selves know. It is morally certain that none of 
the people of Millfield had the slightest knowledge 
of, or connection, or sympathy with the authors of 
the deed. 

Yet large numbers of the Special Constabulary 
immediately rushed into the district and from 
armoured cars and Lancia cars poured indis- 
criminate fire of machine guns and rifles among the 
unarmed and inoffensive people on all sides for 
well on a couple of hours. Of course all who could 
find shelter quickly did so. 

At the first outburst a horse and van, coming 
directly in the line of machine gun fire, was prob- 
ably the means of saving several lives as the street 
beyond was fairly crowded, especially with children, 
at the time. The horse fell dead, riddled with 
bullets. The driver had a marvellous escape. 


The fire of the Specials was renewed again to- 
wards eight or nine o'clock, but the streets in the 
Catholic areas were all deserted. They tried hard, 
however, to find victims by firing through windows 
and doors. They broke open the doors of 
McEntee's public-house in King Street and, 
assisted by their officers, looted practically all the 
large stock of drink in the place. At a late hour, 
and in a pretty drunken state, they drew up in front 
of St. Mary's Presbytery also in King Street, 

144 BELFAST, 192 a 

where three priests, together with domestics, 
reside, and fired many volleys into it, smashing all 
the windows, ripping the inner walls and ceilings, 
and doing a good deal of other damage. Luckily 
the inmates succeeded in getting into positions of 


Meanwhile the Orange mobs seized this oppor- 
tunity of proving their loyalty, and broke loose 
upon their Catholic neighbours in various parts of 
the town. 


A CROWD of those braves rushed into the house of 
Mr. Mcllroy, butcher, 28 Old Lodge Road, 
found only Mrs. Mcllroy and her daughter there 
and shot them both dead. 

The total number of killed on that day were 1 1 ; 
of seriously wounded, 16. 


Fourteen houses were burned out in Peter's 
Place. In one of these the firemen were shocked 
to find the dead bodies of a man and a woman. On 
examination it was discovered that both of them 
had been shot before the house was set on fire. 

Boyd Street was invaded by the Orange mob 
and burned almost from end to end, the unfortunate 
residents having to fly for their lives. 

BELFAST, 1922 145 

The number of Catholic families driven out 
and rendered homeless on that one day were : 

Posnett Street ... ... 6 

Maryville Street ... ... 12 

Hardcastle Street ... ... 6 

Woodford Street ... ... 14 

Lower Canning Street ... ... 3 

Lower California Street ... 12 

Peter's Place ... ... 14 

Norfolk Street ... ... 3 

Cupar Street ... ... 3 

Grosvenor Place ... ... 2 

Grosvenor Road ... ... u 

On 19th May 71 families were driven out, chiefly 
from Mountcollyer Street and Leopold Street. 

On 20th May 148 families were driven out of the 
Weaver Street area (where the children were 
slaughtered by an Orange bomb, Feb. 13), includ- 
ing Shore Street, Milewater Street, North Derby 
Street and Jennymount Street. The people in 
this district are of the poorest mill-working class. 

No wonder nearly 1000 penniless refugees 
reached Glasgow within the next few days. 

The special correspondent of the Manchester 
Guardian refers to 

'* the eviction from their homes by Orange mobs, led 
by Specials, of thousands of defenceless Catholics. 
The combatants in this feud are on the 
one hand a handful of Catholic gunmen, which even 
Orange opinion estimates at hundreds out of the 
93,243 CathoHcs in Belfast. On the other hand, the 
semi-armed Orange mobs drawn from the 293,791 
Protestants in Belfast, and the armed Special Con- 
stabulary, who are largely recruited from the Orange 
mobs, and frequently work in close co-operation with 
them. The great bulk of the victims of the feud are 

146 BELFAST, 1922 

to be found in the 93,000 unarmed defenceless 

*' On these unfortunate beings the fury of Orange 
Specials, and Orange mob unable to reach the 
Catholic gunmen, and fortified by sectarian animosity, 
falls daily and nightly. . These people have com- 
mitted no offence unless it be an offence to be born 
a Catholic. In politics great numbers of them are 
Constitutionalist Nationalists. Many thousands are 
ex-soldiers who served during the War. 

** On the simple charge of being Catholics, hun- 
dreds of families are being continually driven from 

their houses In these operations the 

* Specials ' provide the petrol, fire-arms, and im- 
munity from interruption. 

** Protestant civihans, too, suffer from this type of 
warfare, but to a comparatively slight extent, and 
the Catholics killed and wounded enormously 
outnumber the Protestants. Casualties among 
Protestant women and children are rare; amongst 
Catholics heavy." 

JUNE, 1922 


The month of June was ushered in with the setting 
fire to a woman and the attempt to burn her alive. 
The facts are still fresh in the public memory, but 
may be briefly recalled. 

Miss Susan McCormack, a Catholic, and house- 
keeper to a Catholic physician in Donegall Pass, 
went to answer a ring at 9.15 p.m. and found a 
gang of men at the door. They said they were 
looking for the doctor. She told them he was not 
at home. They rushed into the hall, knocked the 
woman down, kicked her about the body, head and 

BELFAST, 1922 147 

/face. They produced a tin of petrol, sprinkled 
her clothes and hair with it, applied a match and 
then cleared off. The poor woman ran out scream- 
ing, a mass of flame, and some of the neighbours 
hurried to her assistance. She was removed to 
hospital in a very critical condition. 

For a wonder, the Orange Press yielded so far 
as to utter a specific denunciation. 

Even the Belfast Telegraph, in a strong editorial 
reference, said : 

**The nature that can violate the primal instinct 
of civilisation has sunk to something as low as 
savagery. Even the brutes of the field exhibit a 
natural chivalry in this respect, and protect their 
females. The setting alight of the clothes of a 
servant yesterday evening was a deed of unqualified 
shame, and those who descended to an act so con- 
temptible and cruel should be hunted out of society. 
They are not fit to be at large." 


Sir James Craig did not send the usual message 
about '' admirable restraint," etc. 

The number of people killed in Belfast in June 
was relatively small, being only 19, and the wounded 
scarcely 100. As compared with the 75 killed and 
163 wounded in May, this is a great falling off. 
The vast majority of the victims were Catholics. 


But if June showed a decrease in murder, it showed 
a big increase in the number of Catholic families 

148 BELFAST, 1922 

evicted from their homes. In the first week these 
reached the staggering total of 436 as compared 
with 404 Catholic families evicted in the whole 
month of May. 


No wonder that Catholic refugees from Belfast 
have been crowding into Dublin and every other 
town in Southern Ireland, as well as into Glasgow 
and other places across the water. Since July, 
1920, some 20,000 of them have been driven from 
their homes in the Protestant areas of Belfast. 
Many of these were absorbed in some way into the 
already congested Catholic districts, but a point 
was reached when further absorption became im- 
possible, and then thousands were obliged to clear 
out of the infernal city and out of the Six-County 


The Special Constabulary surpassed themselves 
when, during Curfew on the night of the 5th June, 
they attacked the Mater Infirmorum Hospital with 
rifle and revolver fire which was kept up for three- 
quarters of an hour, riddling windows, smashing 
furniture in the wards and paralysing all the 
patients, as well as the sisters and doctors, with 
terror. Fortunately none were killed, as everyone 
was stretched on the floor or in some place of 
hiding. ^ 

BELFAST, 1922 149 

Of course the Belfast ''Home Office " went 
through a farce of issuing a report intended to 
exculpate the Special Constables, but such 
" official'' statements are merely sent out for effect 
in the British and foreign Press, and they do not 
deceive anyone in Belfast. 

Replying to a message from the Superioress of 
the hospital, the Secretary of the Red Cross Com- 
mittee in Geneva wired : 

** Ready to take all necessary steps. Be good 
enough only to indicate to what authority we should 
address ourselves." 

The Superioress replied : 

** We thank you for your sympathy. Be good 
enough only to address yourselves to the Government 
of Great Britain." 


Meantime the criminal gangs were active as usual 
in many parts of the city. Terrorism to a degree 
reigned everywhere. Several women, as well as 
men, were shot at and wounded. A Catholic, 
Patrick O'Malley, was deliberately murdered at 
his own door in Stratheden Street on the 6th June. 
Next day another Catholic, John McMenemy, was 
similarly murdered in Conway Street. When he 
fell after being shot, the loyalist mob yelled cheers 
and obscene expressions. 

On June the 12th, Mr. E. D. Deyine, managing 
director of Messrs. Bernard Hughes, Ltd., one of 
the most amiable and highly-esteemed Catholic 

150 BELFAST, 1922 

gentlemen in the city, after pluckily disarming one 
of a gang who raided the office, was, by another of 
the gang, shot dead in the presence of his son and 
the clerical staff. It is probable, however, that 
the assailants were a gang of common thieves. 


The conduct of the Special Constabulary through- 
out the month towards the Catholic citizens has 
been described by one of the city justices of peace 
as '' terrible and disgusting.'' He has seen them, 
he says, take the bits of furniture of the poor people 
into the street and burn it ; had known them on 
raiding houses to abuse children and women, and 
even beat their heads against the walls, swaggering 
and constantly threatening to shoot. 

Owing to our system of A., B. and C. Con- 
stabulary, there is no reason why every loyalist in 
Ulster should not have arms in his hands legally," 
said Sir James Craig in the Belfast Parliament. 

In Ulster, of course, a '' loyalist " is only 
another word for a Protestant. 

In pursuance of the London Pact a Conciliation 
Committee of Catholics and Protestants was formed 
in Belfast. Sir James Craig's Government showed 
their zeal for carrying out the Pact by arresting 
two Catholic members of the Conciliation Com- 
mittee and issuing warrants for three others. These 
highly respectable men are in prison without any 
charge having been preferred against them. 

BELFAST, 1922 151 


A FEATURE of the last month or two has been the 
great number of fires in which many business con- 
cerns were destroyed. There seems good reason 
to believe that much of this is due to extreme agents 
on the Catholic side ; nor is it surprising that men 
driven to desperation by the Orange pogrom of two 
years should seek to hit back even in this unjusti- 
fiable way. 

On June 19th, four men knocked at the door of 
Miss Kelly, 14, Jocelyn Street. When the lady 
answered the knock one of them held a revolver up 
to her and demanded if she was a Catholic. In- 
stead of replying, she slammed the door on the 
intruders, whereupon the ruffian with the revolver 
fired through it, wounding her seriously in two 
places. She collapsed and was taken to hospital. 

On the 20th, two poor Catholic carters were 
murdered in most cold-blooded fashion in loyalist 
districts of the city ; and the next day an old 
Catholic man of over seventy named Millar was 
murdered in his own house in the Orange Wood- 
stock Road district by a gang of four who rushed 
into the place and riddled him with bullets. On 
the 23rd an Orange gunman deliberately murdered 
a Catholic boy of seventeen named Leo Rea who 
was going to his work. 


On the 27th June, the Lord Mayor made a 

152 BELFAST, 1922 

Special strong appeal for a ten days' truce. Since 
then the condition of the city has improved con- 
siderably and there are few who do not devoutly 
pray that the improvement may be lasting. 

Better late than never "is, however, about the 
best one can say of his lordship's action. There 
is surely reason to believe that had he and others of 
his colleagues, entrusted with providing for the 
peace of the city, put forth an earnest effort at the 
outbreak of the pogrom hundreds of lives would 
have been spared as a result, thousands of wounded 
would have escaped their sufferings, the Catholic 
population would not have been harried and partly 
exterminated, and the name of Belfast might not 
have become a byword the world over. The Lord 
Mayor was appealed to early in the trouble to take 
certain measures, or even to summon a meeting of 
the Corporation to devise means for ending the 
pogrom, but he refused to exercise his powers. 


Catholics, many of them belonging to the most 
respectable families, have been arrested in hundreds 
by the Orange Government and, without any 
charge whatever, thrust into prison, or, what is far 
worse, sent on board a wTetched wooden ship lying 
near Carrickfergus. This floating house of filth 
and misery is called by the splendid name of the 
Argent a. Probably nothing so vile could be found, 

BELFAST, 1922 153 

even in Turkey, at the present day. The unfor- 
tunate prisoners are huddled together in sections of 
forty like cattle in a pen. The food is execrable, 
and has to be eaten off the floor. The lavatory 
accommodations consist of a few buckets placed 
openly at the end of the apartment. And so on. 


The first piece of legislation passed by the Belfast 
Government was what is known as the ' ' Flogging 
Act.'' How it operates will be understood from 
the following extracts from a letter of an ex-soldier, 
James McAlorum, written from prison to his wife 
after the ordeal. 

McAlorum is an ex-service man. He joined the 
British Army in 1909, and served throughout the 
Great War from 1914 to 1919. He is a Mons 
hero. After demobilisation in 191 9 he was em- 
ployed in McCausland's, whose works are situated 
on Queen's Road, beside Harland and Wolff's 
shipbuilding yard. He was driven from his work 
by the Orange mob in July, 1920, during the 
pogrom. After a period of enforced idleness, he 
was employed at the tramway reconstruction works 
on Newtownards Road. Again he and his fellow- 
Catholics were chased from their work by the 
Orange mob and savagely assaulted. He was 
again employed at the tramway reconstruction 
works on the Antrim Road as a foreman ganger. 

When working there one day he and his mates 

154 BELFAST, 1922 

were again attacked and McAlorum was shot in 
the thigh. After coming out of hospital he was 
again employed at the same work. He was 
accused of being along with three or four others 
who held up a Protestant man in a public-house 
and assaulted and robbed him of 5s. On the 
previous day he met with an accident at his work. 
A tram rail fell on his arm injuring it to such an 
extent that he had to get seven stitches in his wrist. 

The prosecutor, James Arnold, identified 
McAlorum as one of the men who assaulted him, 
but swore that he had never seen him before. This 
man had been drinking in the public-house and may 
or may not have been in a condition to identify 

The only Crown witness, Annie Maginnes, swore 
that she had known McAlorum for five or six years 
previously. She identified him as the one who 
struck Arnold. She is Arnold's sister-in-law. 

The witnesses for the defence swore that 
McAlorum was not there at the time of the assault. 

The doctor's certificate of the injury to his wrist 
was produced. 

At the first trial the jury disagreed and 
McAlorum was allowed out on bail. 

At the second trial he was convicted and 
sentenced to three years' penal servitude and 
fifteen strokes of the cat. 

The youth, Edward O'Neill, referred to in the 
statement, was sentenced to three years' penal 

BELFAST, 1922 155 

servitude and twenty-five strokes of the birch for 
being concerned in an armed hold-up. 
Here is McAlorum's letter : 

''Dear Wife, — After consideration, I feel abso- 
lutely compelled to place before you a truthful 
account of the degradation which I was subjected to 
in this prison on Thursday night, the 22nd June, by 
order of the Northern Parliament. 

" On the night in question I had just finished my 
supper when four warders entered my cell and took 
me to an underground dungeon where the officials had 
erected what they call a flogging triangle. 

'* Gathered in a cluster around this instrument of 
torture were the prison doctor, governor, a dozen or 
so of prison warders and a number of Special Con- 
stabulary, all eager to witness the savagery that was 
to be enacted there, and of which myself and a few 
other unfortunate prisoners, some of them mere 
children in their early 'teens, were to be the victims. 

'* I was stripped to the skin and the warders tied 
me hand and foot to the triangle, and when they had 
me secured, the Englishman, who was sent over here 
specially to administer torture, commenced the bar- 

" When I had received the fifteen lashes, and while 
the officials were bandaging my back, I had a look at 
the man who had flogged me and the sweat was 
running down his face. 

'* This man, who was almost six feet in height, 
had exerted all his strength and energy in inflicting 
this savage operation and left my back in such a 
state that a whole piece of my skin could not have 
been touched from my waist to my neck with the 
point of a needle. One of the victims who was led 
to the chamber of torture after I had received my 
flogging was a mere boy of seventeen years of age, 
named Edward O'Neill, and when they had this boy 
stripped and tied up, and when the administerer of 
the torture commenced his foul work, the agonising 
cry of this child-prisoner pleading to the prison 
doctor to intervene and save him from the cruel and 


BELFAST, 1922 

unmerciful punishment could be heard all over the 

Erison. It was the yelling of the boy which was the 
rst warning to the other prisoners located in the 
prison that some of the prison inmates were being 
maltreated and they gave vent to their feelings by an 
outburst of protest, shouting and kicking their cell 
doors, which could have been heard a great distance 
from the prison and sent consternation into the hearts 
of the officials, who, for the moment, thought that 
the civilian populace had broken into the prison.*' 

Several savage sentences were imposed at the 
Belfast Commission in July, 1922, by Lord Justice 
Andrews for the possession of arms. 



Servitude, "Cat," 
Years. Lashes. 

G. M'Gorrigle, Webley and 6 rounds ... 

J. Moore, loaded revolver 

P, M'Grath, Webley, 2 rounds 

P. Bell, revolver, 3 rounds 

(An ex-soldier who fought at Salonika) 

Thomas Trainor, Webley, 53 rounds ... 

A. M'Gibben, revolver ... 

P. Cosgrave, revolver ... 

J. O'Hara, bomb, revolver, 10 rounds 

W. Morton, bomb, revolver, 10 rounds 

H. Hanvey, revolver, 40 rounds 

A. Hanvey, revolver, 40 rounds 

A. Canning, armed robbery ... 



T. Hunter, revolver, 3 rounds ... 

T. MTullogh, riot 

R. Daly, stealing scrap iron ... 

R. M*Clean, house breaking ... 

W. Turnbull, revolver ... 

E. Digney, attempted robbery 

Hard Labour, 



... 6 

... 6 










Some weeks after the expulsions from the shipyards 
in 1920 a Relief Committee was formed in Belfast 
to look after the pressing needs of the victims, a 
local fund was generously subscribed to, and 
administered chiefly through the St. Vincent de 
Paul Society. It was hoped that local effort could 
tide over the trouble until normal conditions might 
be restored. But as time passed it became ap- 
parent that the persecution was likely to be pro- 
longed. An appeal was therefore made to the 
charity of the outside public. This met with a 
prompt and magnanimous response not only from 
every quarter of Ireland but from various centres 
abroad. Glasgow sent many large contributions, 
Birmingham was notable among the places in 
England that stood by the Belfast sufferers. In 
Ireland hardly a town or village failed to send 
assistance. Dublin showed a fine example. In 
Cork a committee under the chairmanship of a 
Protestant clergyman set to work in a very 
thorough manner and for months forwarded a 
thousand pounds a week to Belfast until their own 
city was so hideously burned and devastated. 




A YEAR passed and the outlook of the victimised 
workers was still as gloomy as well could be. Close 
on ;^ 1 50,000 had been sent to their relief chiefly 
by their southern fellow-countrymen who were all 
this time suffering from the horrors perpetrated by 
the Black and Tans. Then the American White 
Cross came to the general rescue by its noble work 
for the Relief of Distress in Ireland. The details 
of that work — which Ireland will never forget — 
cannot be given here ; but it may be pointed out 
that for well over a year that magnificent organisa- 
tion has been contributing from ^£5,000 to ;£7,ooo 
a week to sufferers in Belfast alone, besides giving 
a grant of several thousands to provide houses for 
some of those whose homes were burned down. 


From July, 1920, to June, 1922 

Catholics 267 : Protestants 185 : Unascertained 3 : Total 455. 
(Total of Wounded over 2,Q00) 




























Finnegan, Francis (40), Lower Clonard St. 
Noad, Maggie (27), 3 Anderson St. 
DevHn, Bernard (18), 39 Alexandra St. 

Morgan, Brother Michael, Clonard 

Downey, John, Roden St. 
Giles, Joseph, Kashmir Rd. 
Gauran, M. Alexandra, Tralee St. 
Robinson, Thomas, 6 Kane St. 
McAuley, Albert, Stanfield St. 
Godfrey, William, Argyle St. 
Dunning, William, Bellvue St. 
Stewart, James (18), Clydebank, Frome St. 
Conn, James A. (33), 47 James St. 
Hennessy, Henry (48), 120 Ardilea St. 

Weston, Ann, 24 Welland St. (from wounds 

during attack on Convent). 
McCvine, WilUam, 22 Clonallen St. 

McCartney, John, 41 Lucknow St. 
McGrogan, Nellie, 30 Frome St. 

Dunbar, Private David (20), 64 Sylvia St. 

Parke, Private Matthew, 6 Lawther St 




















LIST OF THE KILLED, 1920 — 22 

McCartney, James, Frome St. (Military 

fire, Newtownards Rd.) 
Burrowes, Ethel Mary, 20 Bright St. 

(Military fire, Newtownards Rd.) 

Burns, Terence (36), Massarene St. 

Kinney, Henry, 120 Ardilea St. 
Murray, John, 11 Glenview St. 
Toner, Thomas (19), Ardilea St. 
Moan, Owen, Glenview St. 
Cassidy, William J , Glenpark St. 
Lynch, Robert (20), Massarene St. 
Gilmore, Patrick, Campbell Row. 

Hobson, Henry (19), 100 Cromwell Rd. 

Thompson, John (18), Henry St. 

M' Alpine, Robert (11), Lt. York St. 

Coard, William (25), Lawther St. 

MXean, Adam, 20 Southwell St. 

Chapman, Paul, 16 Matilda St. 

Orr, Grace, Edenderry St. 

Bums, Edward, 65 Grove St. 
Colville, Samuel, 16 Rowan St. 
Jamison, Private, Scottish Rifles. (Shot 

in Orange quarter after curfew.) 
Saye, Fred, 62 Donegall Pass. (Shot in 

Orange quarter after curfew.) 

McCann, Henry, 34 Will St. 
Cromie, James, Trafalgar St. 
Cawsard, James, 7 Benwell St. 
Maxwell, Thomas, 61 N. Boundary St. 

Hobbs, Fied, Boundar^^ St. 
Boj'd, Thomas, Northland St. 

McMurty, William (19), Derrv St. R.V.H. 
O'Brien, John (45), 9 Kildare'St. 

Harold, Charles, soldier, Military Hospital. 

O'Neill, Charles (40), Glenpark St. 

Toner, John (58), 29 Cable St. (Shot during 

curfew ) 
Seymour, Robert, 186 Sandy Row. 











20/9/20. Prot. Mathers, James D.. 18 Hartley St. 

Cath. Leonard, Constable. 

26/9/20. Cath. Trodden, Edward, 65 Falls Rd. 

Cath. McFadden, John, 54 Spiingfield Rd. 

Cath. Gaynor, James, 136 Springfield. 

28/9/20. Prot. Blair, Fred, 69 Louisa St. 

29/9/20. Cath. Gordon, Robert (18), 80 Falls Rd. 

Cath. Barkley, Thomas (32), 38 Roumania Si. 

Cath. Shields, James (19), Milan St 

Cath. Tier, William, 23 Mill St. 

Prot. Lawther, John (19), 20 Everton St. 

16/10/20. Prot. Gobson, John (55), Byron PI. 

Prot. Mitchell, William J. (25), 20 Downing St. 

16/10/20. Prot. McMaster, Matthew (34), Conlig St. (Run 

down by armoured car.) 

25/10/20. Prot. McLeod, Joseph (25), 45 Church St., East. 

4/11/20. Prot. McLean, John Cowan, Glenallen St. 

Prot. Lucas, Sam. W., R.LC. 

21/1 1/20. Prot. Bundry, Arthur, soldier. 

2/12/20. Cath. Bell, William (19), 100 Broom St. 

3/12/20. Cath. MulHn, Wilham, 99 Urney St. 

27/12/20. Prot. Morrison, Joseph, 19 Boyne Sq. 


7/1/21. Cath. Homer, Daniel, 50 Kent St. 

26/1/21. Cath. Heffron, Constable, Railway View Hotel. 

Cath. Quinn, Constable, Railway View Hotel. 

Cath. Garvey, Michael, Chemist, Crumlin Rd. 

11/3/21. Prot. Crooks, R. E., Black-and-Tan. 

Prot. Mcintosh, John, Black-and-Tan. 








































OF THE KILLED, 192O — 22 

Hep worth, Ambrose, Hill (Soldier from 

Bray, E., Rosemoimt Gardens. 

Alan, Alex. (50), MiHtary Hospital. G.S.W. 

Copper, Constable WilHam (32), Black-and- 

Graham, John, Emily Place. 

Jamison, Annie, 10 Moffat St. 
Boyd, Head Constable. 

Bolan, Ernest, Auxiliary Police. 
Bales, John B., Auxiliary PoHce. 
Duffin, Patrick, 64 Clonard Gardens. 
Duffin, Daniel, 64 Clonard Gardens. 

Bums, Philomena (15), 24 Upton St. 

Carroll, Mary Ann, Camtual St. 

Smyth, John (29), Seaforde St. 

Kelly, Eleanor Lena (13), Kilmood St. 

Craig, Alfred (28), Ship St. 

Glover, Constable James. 

McGinley, Terence N., Thomas St. 

Collins, Kathleen (18), Cupar St. 
Frazer, James (12), Mayo St. 
Mallon, Thomas N., Thomas St. 

McBride, Alexander, CHftonvDle Road. 
Kerr, WilHam, 47 Old Lodge Rd. 
Halfpenny, Malachy, Hervert St., Ardoyne 
Sturdy, Thomas (Sp. C), Castlederg. 
Milligan, Patrick (24), 2 Dock Lane. 
Millar, Joseph (24), 2 New Dock St. 
Jenkins, Edward (19), Emerson St. 

McAree, Hugh (28), 12 SackviUe St. 

Blackburn, Joseph, 52 Hillman St. 

Galvin, Jim, R.I.C. 

LIST OF THE KILLED, 1920 — 22 












MulhoUand, Henry, 5 Bonbay St. 

Lenaghan, James, 42 Lucan St. 

Hughes, Daniel (50), Durham St. 

Hickland, Patrick (38), Hamilton St. 

Conlon, Constable Thomas (28), Spring- 
field Rd. Barracks. 

Hamilton, Ales. (21), 50 Plevna St. 

Mullan, W. J., 51 James St. 

McMullan, David (26), 58 Lawnbrook 

Robinson, Francis, 6 Brown St. 

Monaghan, Bernard (about 90), 68 Abys- 
sinia St. 

Tiemey, William (56), 16 Osman St. 

McGuinness, James (36), 27 McMillan's 

An Unknown Boy, aged 13 years. 

Baxter, WiUiam John (12), 126 Argyle St. 

Park, Ernest (16), 92 Moyola St. 

Cath. Daniel Hughes (28), McCleery St. 

Cath. Craig, James, 22 Turin St. 
Cath. Ledhe, James (19), Plevna St. 

14/7/21. Cath. McKenney, Maggie (26), 71 Bulkan St. 
Prot. Welch, Maggie Ann (14), 2 Ellens Court. 
Cath. McKenna, Patrick, Royal Victoria 


Cath. Mooney, Bernard (22), 104 Spamount St. 

19/7/21. Prot. Brown, WilUam (45), R. V., 30 March St. 
21/7/21. Prot. Walker, George ( 1 9) , 29 Eight St. 

23/7/21. Cath. Magowan, Mary (13), Derby St. 

15/8/21. Cath. Fox, Fred (19), Durham St. 

25/8/21. Prot. Green, Charles S. (39), 23 LincoUn Avenue, 


19/8/21. Prot. Rafter, Thomas (29), I^pper St. 
Prot. Fogg, Colin, 35 Lowther St. 































25 9/21. 





















Barnes, Robert (22), 9 Cambridge St. 
Kennedy, WilHam (26), 8 Grove St. 
Cash, Stephen, 77 Sussex St. 
Watson, Annie (5), 177 North Queen St. 
Harvey, Charles (39), Columbia St. 
Coogan, John, 40 Valentia St. 
Smith, WilHam (28), Earl St. 
Bowers, Henry, Cambridge St. 
Mullan, Thomas, 84 North Queen St. 

Bradley, James (24), 74 McCleery St. 
Cuff, AUce (54), 67 Academy St. 
Finnegan, Thomas, 5 Keystand Place. 
McKeown, Wm. (18), 25 Thomas St. 
Lee, John, Manor St. 
Ferguson, Samuel (43), Donegall St. 
Bradley, Frank, Boyd St. 
Campbell, Walter (15), Silvio St. 
Duffin, Richard, New Lodge Rd. 
McFadden, James, 107 Malvern St. 

Harvey, Charles (33), 31 Columbia St. 
Leopold, Burgess Leonard (55), 5 Dover 

Johnston, James (13), 19 Louisa St. 
Ardis, Maggie (22), 7 Bute St. 
Blair, Eva (23), 6 Vere St. 

McMinn, F. S., Reids Place, Newtownards 

Harrison, Alex., 20 Frazer St. (? Hamilton) 
McAstocker, Murty (25), 5 Moira St. 
Kelly, EHza J., Mrs. (34), 67 Seaforde St. 
Barry, George, 5 Shore St. 

Orr, John (32), 84 Derwent St. 

Blakely, Joseph (23), 32 Campbell St. 

O'Hagan, James (22), Station St. 
Hanna, William, Montrose St. 
Stuart, Andrew J. (24), 126 Nelson St. 

McPhilHps, Bertie (25), Mchael St. 
Cunningham, David (19), 32 Lendrick St. 
McConvey, Neil (55), Thompson St. 
McConvey, Mrs. (56), Thompson St. 
Kelly, Miss (20), Thompson St. 

LIST OF THE KILLED, 1920 — 22 

















Keating, J. P. (Clerk), Jocelyn Ave. 
McMordie, Wm. (Porter), 3 Sandhurst St. 
Malone, Patrick, Beersbridge Rd. 
Connolly, Patrick, 208 Duncairn Gardens. 
Brunton, Patrick (38), Vere St. 
Bell, Ellen (75), Lepper St. 
Spallen, Michael, 32 Moffett St. 
Patton, Andrew. 
McNally, John, 7 Park St. 

Graham, Richard (45), Beverley St. 
Fleming, Jerh., Glenvale. 
Kelly, John, Crumlin Rd. 
Thompson, Thomas, Ohio St. 
Millar, Mrs., Dock L. 

Mclver, James, 54 Little Park St. 
Graham, Robert (48), 10 Beersbridge Rd. 
McHenry, John, Harbour Const. 
Kelly, Eugene, Crumlin Rd. 

McNamara, Mrs., 56 Keegan St, 

Crudden, Michael, Old Park Rd. 

Pritchard, Walter, 9 Malcolm St. 
McMeigan, J., 35 Lower Mount St. 
Brennan, Edward (21), 44 Short Strand. 

McCallion, Charles. 

Donnelly, Mrs., Ravenhill Rd. 

Morrison, David, Ardoyne. 


1/1/22, Wilson, John. 

2/1/22. Cath. Corr, Hugh (14), Little Patrick St. 

Prot. Turtle, Alexander (22), Mountcollyer Rd. 

Prot. Barnes, Private, C. Coy., Norfolk Regt. 

Prot. Twittle, Alexander. 

Cath. Murphy, John, York St. (Shot in his own 

3/1/22. Cath. Campbell, Saml. (IJ). 

Cath. Gibbon, John, Arnon St. 

l66 LIST OF THE KILLED, 192O — 22 

4/1/22. Prot McCxea, Albert, RoundhiU St. 

7/1/22. Cath. McDonagh, Jolin (26), 24 Dock St. 

8/1/22. Cath. Allwell, Wm. (19), Coates St. 

11/1/22. Prot. Anderson, Andrew, Hooker St. 

Prot. Anderson, Mrs., Hooker St. 

Cath. Hogg, Mary (40), Fifth St. 

Cath. Devlin, Mrs. Bridget, Coates St. 

12/1/22. Cath. Kelly, Hugh (28), Barman Clarke, of 

Benterick St. 

6/2/22. Cath. Gray, Thomas (19), Barman, Earl St. 

11/2/22. Cath. Page, Mrs., 219 North Queen St. 

Prot. Boyd, David (18), Stanhope St. area. 

13/2/22. Cath. Neary, Francis, Peters St. 

Cath. Gregg, James, Kildare St. 

Cath. Mathers, James, Jude St. 

Prot. Brown, James, Eighth St. 

Cath. Lamb, Patrick, York St. 

Cath. McNelHs, Peter, Joy St. 

Brown, Joseph, Regent St. 

Cath. Sadleir, Anthony, Tyrone St. 

Cath. McNeill, Rose A., Mary St. 

Prot. Limdy, Ben, Upper Meadow St. 

Cath. Kennedy, Catherine, Weaver St. 

Cath. Johnston, Mary (13), Weaver St. 

Cath. Tennyson, W. (23), Cavendish St. 

14/2/22. Cath. McCoy, Frank, 33 Forfar St. 

Prot. Harper, George (16), Earl St. 

Prot. Waring, WiUiam, Clifton St., Orange Hall. 

Cath. Gallagher, Henry (40), Little Patrick St. 

Cath. O'Hanlon, EUza (11 J), Weaver St. 

Prot. Wallace, or Walls. 

Cath. Rice, James (19), 20 Avondale St. (Hands 

tied, kicked, shot in ten places by twelve 


Cath. Robinson, Mary, Lancaster St. 

Prot. Crothers, Joshua, 35 Ivan St. 

Prot. McQelland, John, Christopher St. (carter). 

Prot. Blair, Thomas (Saml.), (40), 63 Bainaby St. 





































LIST OF THE KILLED, 1920 — 22 167 

DufBn, W. H., New North Spinning Co. 
Law, James (Wm.), Hunter St. 
Morrison, James (20), Sultan St. 
McCall, Peter (22), 41 Tyrone St. 
O'Brennan, Mrs., My Lady's Road. 
Stewart, Hector, " B" Special, Ship St. 
Ffrench, Hugh, Old Lodge Kd. 
Bond, Owen, Stanfield St. 
Neale, Thomas, Peveril St. 

Cath. DevHn, John (5), Hiddleston Place. 
Prot. McCormick, James. 

Cath. Reilly, James (W.), Old Lodge Rd. 
Hardy, Edward, Brookhill Avenue. 
Hutton, James (45), 27 Central St. 

MacMillan, Isaac. 

Hughes, James (23), 315 CrumHn Rd. 

McMullan, Charles (49), Sherwood St. 

Fry, David, or Fryer, McClure St. 

Hughes, Owen (20), Skegoniel St. 
Martin, James R., Clerk, Midland Railway. 
Eastwood, Thomas, Upton St. 
Lynch, Catherine (51), Letitia St. 

Thompson, James, 31 Kane St. 
Mullan, John, Wall St. 
Waider, Wm. (16), 19 Lower Umey St. 
Morrison, John, 34 Gardiner St. 

Johnson, W., Cavour St. 
Duffy, Stewart, Garmoyle St. 
Hazard, R. (24). 

Roddy, John, Broadbent St. 
Morgan, Patrick (58), Upton St. 

Kerr, Wm. J., Mountplea5ant,Whitehouse. 

Connor, Patrick, Constable, R.I.C., Spring- 
field Rd. 

CuUen, John, Constable, R.I.C., Spring- 
field Rd. 

Bruce, Lieut., Seaiorth Higlilanders. 

l68 LIST OF THE KILLED, 1920 — 22 

Neeson, or Eason, Catherine (27), Little 
George St. Baby of 7 months delivered 

Leith, Benedict (23), Regent St. 

Woods, Herbert (26), California St. 

McNally, Hugh (34), 8 Maple Terrace. 

Murphy, Terence (2i), Harthley St. 

Yokes, Charles (38), Upper Meadow St., 
'' A '^ Special. 

Keyes, Sarah (35), 117 Hillman St. 

Clarke, Sergt., R.I.C. 

Leonard, Andrew (21), Duffy St. 

Wilson, Mary (4), 57 Norfolk St. 
Rooney, Patrick (24), Corporation St. 

Kane, Wm. (50), Dunmurry (Van Driver). 
Taylor, John (64), Dimcairn Gardens. 

Orange, Agustus (24), Ravenhill Rd. 
Mullen, Mary (40), Thompson St. 
Murphy, Margaret, Campbell St. 

(Husband Catholic). 
Garvey, Henry Martin. 
Devaney, Alex., Church St., E. 
Rogan, Daniel, Lincoln St. 

Magee, James, 11 Harding St. 

Hillis, James (23), 8 Nail St., Falls Rd. 

Harkness, John (24), 14 Lackagh St. 

Mullen, Thomas, 67 Short Strand. 
Kerney, John, Young's Row. 

Cunningham, Thomas, Josford St., Ormeau 

Road, Special. 
Chermside, Wilham (31), Josford St., 

Ormeau Rd., Special. 

McMahon, Owen (57), Father. 

McMahon, Jerh. (15J), Son. 

McMahon, Patrick (22), Son. 

McMahon, Francis (23), Son. 

McKinney, Bdward. 

Campbell, WiUiam, 33 Old Park Rd. 

Fitzsimons, Patrick (20), 5 Frederick St. 



































LIST OF THE KILLED, 1920 — 22 
































McGreevy, Mrs. Rose (80). 
Allen, William J., 4 Sackville Place. 
Bell, John, My Lady's Road. 
McGarry, John, Glenwherry St. 
Savage, Maggie (21), Barker St. 
Magee, J as., MacDonriell St. 
Brennan, H., Donegall Road. 
Nesson. I.. Roumania St. 

Cath. Dempsey, Jack, MountcoUyer Avenue. 

Hale, Thomas (Special Constable). 
Sweeney, John, Stanhope St. 

Turner, J., Constable, R.I.C., Brown Sq. 

McKenna, Bernard (36), Park St. 
McRory, John (40), Stanhope St. 
Spallen, WiUiam (63), 16 Arnon St. 
Walsh, Joseph (39), 18 Arnon St. 
Walsh, Robert, 3 Alton St. 
Mallon, John, Grove Back Lodge, Ske- 

goniel Avenue. 

McMahon, Joseph (26) (of the McMahon 

Family) . 
Donnelly, Joseph (12), 29 Brown St. 
Donnelly, Francis (2 J), 29 Brown St. 

Hannigan, Joseph (9), 27 Maralin St. 
Owens, Mary, Shore St. (Victim of Weaver 
St. bomb.) 

Carmichael, Matthew, 20 Moyola St. 

Beattie, Danl., 65 Herbert St. 

Sloan, John, 20 Harrison St. 

Gillan, Thomas, Engine Driver, Midland 

Cowan, WiUiam (5), 131 Templemore St. 


18/4/22. Prot. Johnston, WiUiam (27), 100 Louisa St. 
Cath. Pearson, James (56), 22 Glenpark St. 
Cath. McGoldrick, Patrick, 27 Madrid St. 

19/4/22. Cath. Hobbs, Francis, 26 Kilmood St. 

Cath. Berry, Mary A., 17 Arran St. 

Cath. Dougan, Rose, 15 Arran St. 

Prot. Scott, John (16), 15 WeU St. 

170 LIST OF THE KILLED, 1920 — 22 

2^ I A 122. Prot. Johnston, James (50), My Lady's Road. 

Cath. Bruen, Sergeant, Henry St. Barracks. 

Cath. Keenan, Mary (13), Marine St. 

Cath. Walker, John (16), 97 Short Strand. 

Cath. Diamond, Danl. (25), 50 Vulcan St. 

Cath. McCartney, Andrew, 22 Dagmar St. 

21/4/22. Prot. Best, Thomas (18), Louisa St. 

Prot. Greer, James, Lower Frank St. 

24/4/22. Cath. Corr, James, 33 Lowry St. 

Port. Sibbison, WilUam, 1 Havelock Place, 
Ormeau Rd. 

23/4/22. Cath. McCabe, Mrs., 45 Seaforde St. 

Prot. Millar, R., Beechfield St. 

24/4/22. Prot. Steele, W., DisraeH St. 

Prot. Greer, Ellen, Enniskillen St. 

12/5/22. Cath. Cullen, Michael (44), 27 Havanna St. 
Prot. Mansfield, John, Tram Conductor. 











Douglas, Kathleen (13), 38 Marine St. 
Beattie, Robert, 8 Palmer St. 
McAlorey, Lizzie, 3 Melbourne Court. 
Dargan, Ellen, 10 Emily Place. 

Madden, Wm. Owen (22), Sackville St. 

Gribben, John (21), Gordon St. 

McPeake, Sam., Ligoniel Rd. 
Donaghy, James, Ligoniel Place. 
McCaffrey, Thomas, 43 Shore St. 
Collins, Constable. 
McKnight, Wm. G., McTier St. 

Paterson, Wm., Frazer St. 

Boyd, Thomas, 36 Louisa St. 

Maxwell, Thomas, Durham St. 

Heshp, Constable. 

Donaldson, Mary, 220 Spamoimt St. 



20/5/22. Cath. Connolly, John, 7 New Lodge Place. 

Cath. McAuley, Patrick (18), 4 Ton St. 

Cath. McGuigan, Thomas (18), 95 Stanfield St. 

Cath. McMorrogh, Arthur, Grosvenor Place. 

Cath. McDermott, Francis, 28 Lady St. 

Cath. Skillen, Brigid (3), 26 Herbert St. 

Cath, Condit, Agnes (22), 58 Fleet St. 

Cath. Keams, Cecilia, 171 York St. 

Cath. McShane, Thomas, 5 Jennymount St. 

Cath. Hickey, John, 17 Nelson St. 

Cath. Murtagh, Joseph, Palmer St. 

Prot. Newell, Robert, 14 Clonallen St. 

Cath. McDonald, Hugh, 5 Saul St. 

22/5/22. Cath. McLamon, 61 Moyola St. 

Cath. McMurty, Charles, Trades Hotel. 

Cath, Brady, James, 9 Kilmood St. 

Prot. Twaddell, W. J., M.P., Malone Park. 

Prot. Boyd, Thomas, 208 Donegall Rd. 

Prot. Lawson, George, Maymount St. 

23/5/22. Cath. Grant, Mary Ann, Fleet St. 

Prot. Powell, Robert, Isabella St. 

24/5/22. Prot. Telford, James, 21 Broadway. 

Prot. Moore, John (17), 79 Hooker St. 

Cath. O'Hare, Jack, Thompson St. 

Prot. Klidd, Victor, 44 Brookvale Avenue. 

25/5/22. Cath, McDougall, Esther, 11 Stanhope St. 

Cath, Hughes, Patrick, Camtall St. 

Prot. Murphy, Special Constable. 

Prot. Sliiels, William (19), 32 Delaware St. 

Prot. Connor, George, Special Constable. 

26/5/22. Prot. Morrison, Alexander, Ballyclare. 

Prot. Campbell, Georgina (10), 5 Roxburgh St. 

Cath. Toal, WilHam (17), 42 Mayfair St. 

27-28/5/22. Cath, Rainey, Robert, Cyprus St. 

Cath. WilHam, Smyth (21), Moira St. 

Prot. Todd, Grace, 25 Bedeque St. 

29/5/22, Cath. Drumgoale, Thomas, Seaforde St. 

Cath. Hughes, Francis, Varna St. 

Prot. McGarety, Special Constable. 

Prot. Boyd, Minnie, Wilson St. 

30/5/22. Cath. O'Brien, Henry, Constable. 

































Monaghan, Robert, Arizona St. 
Collum, W. H., 13 Portallo St. 
Mcllroy, Maryann, Old Lodge Road. 
Mcllroy, Rose (Daughter), Old Lodge 

Kennedy, Hugh, 98 Servia St. 
O'Hara, William, Montgomery St. 
Rouleston, Special Constable. 
Doran, Jane, Peter's Place. 
Jennings, John, Peter's Place. 
McGurk, Patrick, Ardmoulin Avenue. 
McGahey, George (17), Irwdn St. 

McHugh, Michael, 137 New Lodge Rd. 
Kane, James F., Limestone Rd. 
McMordie, Albert (11), Lower Urney St. 

Donnelly, Lizzie, West St. 
Kane, John (16), D'lsraeU St. 

Black, John, New Dock St. 
Hunt, Robert, 14 Milford St. 
McCaffrey, Bernard (16), N. Lodge Rd. 
Rice, Wilham (25), Fairview St. 

Gough, Thomas, 17 Mineral St. 

O'Malley, Patrick, Stratheden St. 

McMenermy, John, 58 Conway St. 

Devine, Edward D., Springfield Rd. 

Smyth, William, Hardinge St. 

Mullaney, Thomas, East St. 

O'Neill, Charles, Plevna St. 
Teuton, James, Brookfield St. 

Ward, P. J. 

Millar, WilUam, Willowfield St. 

Jolmston, Thomas, 28 Frederick St. 

Rea, Leo (16.) 

Kirkwood, William, Lisbuni Rd. 
Joseph Hurson (15), 87 Unity St. 
Semple, Mary (25), 61 Ardgowan St. 

Yoimg, Isabella (J), Ballyclare St. 

LIST OF THE KILLED, 192O — 22 173 

It will be observed that the number of Catholics 
on the foregoing list is much larger than the num- 
ber of Protestants. Of the latter, a big propor- 
tion were the victims of military fire. The Orange 
party, being nearly always the aggressors, were 
often made to pay the penalty of such aggression. 
No doubt, many of those who suffered were quite 
inoffensive people ; but in the chief areas of the 
disturbance the Protestants were mostly in a 
majority of at least six to one, and it is very 
remarkable that they did not suft'er heavier losses, 
considering the vast amount of shooting rather 
wildly indulged in by the Crown Forces and their 
own party, not to mention anyone else. It would, 
of course, be ridiculous to deny that many of them 
were shot by Catholics in the various frays, but 
probably these did not amount to a half. The 
following well-informed extract from the Weekly 
Irish Bulletin of June 19, 1922, is worth quoting : 

'' Of the ninety-six Protestants killed since ist 
January the first name on the list is Alex. Turtle of 
Mountcollyer Road. He was an Orange sniper killed 
by the military on the 2nd January. On the 8th 
March, Herbert Hazard, of 16, Earl Lane, was lying 
flat on the street sniping into a street where Catholic 
children were playing about. An eye-witness has 
made an affidavit that she saw a soldier come up 
behind him and, seeing what he was, fired a shot. 
Hazard thereupon rolled over stone dead. At his 
funeral the Orange gunmen shot up Greencastle and 
killed and wounded several people. He was repre- 
sented by the Orange Press as another victim of Sinn 
Fein gunmen. On March 12th the mihtary arrested 
a man in Royal Avenue. They deprived him of 

174 LIST OF THE KILLED, 1920 — 22 

his revolver. On the way to the barracks he tried 
to escape but was shot dead. That man was Special 
Constable Yokes, a native of Ballymena. Yokes was 
evidently out on a criminal business. On the 14th 
April Mat. Carmichael and John Sloan were shot 
(according to the Belfast Press) ' under mysterious 
circumstances.* In other words, they were shot in 
the worst Orange portion of Belfast in mistake for 
Catholics. On the i8th April William Johnston, 100, 
Louisa Street, was shot by military; Thomas Best, 
Louisa Street, was shot accidentally by the military. 
On 24th April William Steele, Disraeli Street, was 
shot accidentally, as was Ellen Greer, of Enniskillen 
Street, who was killed by a revolver belonging to her 
brother-in-law, an *A.' Special. Mary Donaldson 
of Spamount Street was killed by military on the igth 
May, as was Robert Dudgeon, of 74, Westland Street. 
On the 24th May John Moore, 79, Hooker Street, was 
shot by an Orange sniper and on the same day Victor 
Kidd, 44, Brookvale Avenue, was shot by military. 
On the 25th May William Shields, 32, Delaware 
Street, was shot by a Protestant sniper. Alex. 
Morrison, Ballyclare, was shot in the Albert Bridge 
Road by an Orange murder gang. (Fourteen 
Catholics have now been done to death at this spot by 
Orange murderers). John Jennings, a blind and 
paralysed old man lodged with Jane Doran, a 
Catholic, at Peter's Place. During the terror on the 
31st May, an Orange mob of * Specials ' and hooli- 
gans threw a bomb into this house. This bomb killed 
the residents. The remains of the blind Protestant 
and his Catholic landlady were subsequently found by 
the Fire Brigade. The bulk of the remaining 
Protestants were shot by ' Specials ' in the course 
of indiscriminate firing. A few undoubtedly have 
been shot by desperate avengers of Catholic victims. 

** Of the 203 Protestants wounded the same may 
be said. Five of them were * Specials ' who were 
shot while attempting another massacre of Catholics.*' 



Letters from Belfast News Letter professing 
to show that the rapid growth of 
Catholicism in the North-East was a 
Menace to Protestantism and giving 
straight hints as to the remedy. 

News Letter, 15th July, 1920 (six days before 
pogram) : 


*' Sir, — I notice that in his great speech on the 
Twelfth Sir Edward Carson made one statement 
which, if I may be permitted to say so, is far from 
accurate. He says that the Roman Catholics make 
very little progress in Ulster. Now I certainly think 
this is a serious error and the very worst false security 
into which the Protestants could be lulled. In my 
opinion, the progress made by the Roman Catholics 
in Ulster is extraordinarily rapid and extensive. Take 
the village where I live, for instance, which is one of 
the most Protestant communities of Ulster. There 
is a population of about 1000. Some thirty years 
ago it was an entirely Protestant village without, I 
believe, one single Roman Catholic inhabitant. Now 
nearly one-half of the inhabitants are Catholics, and 
they are increasing rapidly. This is only one instance 
of many. And look at Londonderry city. The 
increase of population there has been so considerable 



as to give them the government of the ancient city 
and fortress of Protestantism. One should look 
facts in the face. The Roman Catholics are pour- 
ing into Ulster and increasing rapidly in this province 
where Protestants are emigrating and disappearing. 
It seems to me that in a comparatively short number 
of years the majority of Ulster's inhabitants will 
undoubtedly be Roman Catholics, if things go on as 
at present. After looking facts in the face, and not 
ignoring them because they may be unpleasant, the 
next thing to do is to counter them energetically in 
every possible way. I have several plans by which 
this could, and should, be done, but the question is 
whether Protestants can rouse themselves to do any- 
thing apart from processions, which I greatly doubt, 
as a post-war apathy or sleeping sickness seems to 
have spread over the whole of Ulster Unionism which 
it is highly necessary should be cured before it gets 
much worse. This is not only my opinion. Ulster 
Unionists in general are not what they were before 
the War. There is a lamentable change. Things 
go on in Ulster now which would never have been per- 
mitted, or been possible, in early 19 1 4. Had the 
Sinn Feiners then attacked the Unionists in London- 
derry, I believe that Unionists would have arisen 
from all parts ot Ulster in their thousands and gone to 
the rescue and assistance of their own people there. 
I think it is disgraceful this was not done, and that 
the brave Londonderry Protestants had to defend 
themselves alone as best they could. They have my 
admiration and my sympathy. The old 19 14 fighting 
sririt is still alive in them. But the apathy and stag- 
nation — to use no worse adjective — amongst the rest 
of the Unionists in Ulster is deplorable. Some time 
ago Sir Edward Carson gave out a call to revive the 
Unionists* Clubs. After a very brief and feeble 
existence they are now evidently dead and buried. 
In a recent speech Sir Edward Carson said that Ulster 
Unionists would not permit disorder or lawlessness, 
etc., in their province. Since then plenty of out- 
rages, etc., and flagrant lawlessness have taken place 
in Ulster, and no Unionists had either organised or 
attempted to do anything in the matter. It is time 


that Unionists roused themselves to act, because 
before very long it will not be possible to do anything. 
With your permission I could suggest much that 
should be done. — Yours, 

** Observer. 

'' 14th July, 1920.'' 

Belfast News Letter, i6th July, 1920 : 



''Sir, — It was with much interest I read 
' Observer's ' letter which appeared in your columns 
of the 15th inst. I can heartily endorse everything 

that your correspondent says in his letter, and I am 
afraid it is only too true that our Ulster Unionism 
is at present suffering from 'sleeping sickness.* 
' Observer's ' statement that ' the progress made by 
Roman Catholics in Ulster is extraordinarily rapid 
and extensive ' is absolutely accurate, as everyone 
who will take the trouble to ascertain the facts must 
know. We Protestants should ask ourselves how 
is it that Roman Catholics have made such headway 
in our midst? I think if we did we should not have 
any difficulty in finding the answer. We are up 
against an insidious system of * peaceful penetration' 
which has, to my mmd, too long taken advantage 
of our fear of being called ' bigoted.' Londonderry 
city is a standing example of what our toleration has 
led to. Loyalists employ over 80 per cent, of the 
labour of that city, the bulk of this being composed 
of Roman Catholics, be they Nationalists or Sinn 
Feiners. The result of this well-intentioned but 
foolish policy on the part of Unionists there has, 
unfortunately, been very forcibly and ruthlessly 
brought home to them for a few weeks past. 


* Observer ' rightly states that it is time Unionists 
roused themselves to action, and I quite agree with 
him that unless we do so without delay we shall be 
left homeless and helpless very shortly. What, I 
would ask, are our Ulster organisations doing to com- 
bat this menace of * peaceful penetration ' ? Proces- 
sions and demonstrations are all very good in their 
own way, but we want something deeper than these. 
We know the powerful organisation behind this * New 
Plantation,' as I have heard it called; and I feel con- 
fident that if Ulster Protestants but rouse themselves 
from their lethargy we will have little difficulty in 
dealing with this latest device to drive out the British 
garrison. I, like ' Observer,' might suggest much 
that could be done. In the meantime I have no 
doubt that our leaders have this question before them. 
Let them not hesitate to ask us to take whatever 
steps they consider necessary to counter this present 
movement. The old spirit which existed in 19 14 is 
still alive in Ulster — it only needs wakening. — Yours 

'' Thor. 

** Belfast, 15th July, 1920." 

** Sir, — Having read * Observer's ' letter in to- 
day's issue, I quite agree with him that, if work (not 
talk) is not begun at once, it is only a matter of a 
very short time and Protestantism will be wiped out 
of this country altogether. Take the church reports, 
and what do you find? Amalgamations taking place 
not only in the South and West, but in Ulster 
counties. I know where recently a minister has been 
appointed where formerly three were required to do 
the work of the three parishes. I know where 
schools have even closed for want of children to keep 
the average up. I know districts where some years 
ago three or four strong Orange Lodges worked now 
hardly able to keep one, or at most two, in working 
order, while in these districts new and larger Roman 
Catholic churches and schools are being erected, or 


extensions to the existing ones* Hibernian and Sinn 
Fein halls are being built to acconimodate their 
ever-increasingf numbers, and, having captured 
County, Distuct and Urban Councils in tlie late con- 
tests, all appointments under their control will in 
future go to Roman Catholics. I believe that those 
who say Protestantism is prosperous — even in this 
province — are wilfully closing their eyes to realities. 
What an eye-opener the next Census returns will pro- 
duce! Canon Austin, in the cathedral on Sunday 
evening, saw clearly where events were leading, and 
his text (Rev. iii. 2) to my mind was most applicable 
to the situation that exists regarding Protestantism 
in this province at the present time. Like 'Observer,' 
I, too, could suggest much that should be done, but 
I go further and say that we have done things we 
should not have done, and, unless our leaders apply 
themselves to the problem that faces them, we can 
only expect defeat. — Yours, 

( c 



** Sir, — 'Observer,' in his very able letter, has 
struck the right note. The Protestants of Ulster are 
asleep while the Sinn Feiners, who are pouring into 
our province, are wide awake; they are busy organ- 
ising, while we prate of the deeds of our forefathers 
and do nothing ourselves. To the shame of the Ulster 
Unionists be it said that Sinn Feiners can obtain 
situations in both offices and shipyards, in so-called 
loyal Belfast, while our Protestant men walk 
about idle. They can get houses while Protestants 
are herded two or three families in one small house. 
They are allowed to buy up property in town and 
country. Ulster is well planted by rebels from the 
South and West. — Yours, 

'' 15th July, 1920." 

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According to the Census of 1891 Catholics 
numbered 263 per cent, of the population of Bel- 
fast. In 1892 a Select Committee was appointed 
to collect evidence in connection with the Belfast 
Corporation, Lunatic Asylums, etc. Bill then 
before the British House of Commons. In the 
Minutes of Evidence we find the following figures : 



Protestants Catholics 

Members 40 o 

Paid Officials 89 2 


Members 22 o 

Paid Officials 37 o 


Members 15 i 

Paid Officials 7 o 


Members 43 i 

Paid Officials 91 3 


Members ig 3 

Paid Officials 65 8 


Members , — — 

Paid Officials 6 o 

Protestant total 434 

Catholic total 18 



These figures need no commentary except, 
perhaps, this — ^that the eight Catholic officials in 
the asylum were mere attendants, and that the two 
in the pay of the Corporation drew between them 
£265 3L year. 


The figures for 1896 were : 


Protestants Catholics 

Members 40 o 

Paid Officials 95 2 

Salaries i^i 8,467 ;£'294 


Members 38 3 

Paid Officials 164 6 

Salaries ;^io,223 £170 


Members 17 o 

Salaries ;£^3j524 o 


Members 22 o 

Salaries ;^7,648 ;£^I30 

Before the Select Committee on the Belfast 
Corporation Bill, 1896, Mr. W. J. Pirrie, the Lord 
Mayor, admitted that there was an annual expen- 
diture of about ;^ 1 44,000 for contractors, and that 
not one of these was a Catholic, though the 
Catholics contributed about ;£30,ooo a year in 
rates. It was also admitted before the same Com- 
mittee that in the course of fifty years only three 
Catholics had been elected to the Corporation. 



From the Minutes of the Belfast Corporation for 
March i, 1922, the following figures have been 
extracted and certified for us : 

Total of paid officials, 681. 
Number of Catholics, 33. 
Total of salaries, ;6'i7,223 3s. od. 
Salaries to Catholics, £^n 12s. od. 

That means that only 4*85 per cent, of the paid 
officials are Catholics and that these receive only 
3*7 per cent, of the money expended. Now, at 
the last Census (191 1), the Catholics numbered 
24*10 of the population of Belfast. 

In this connection an interesting case occurred 
last February. The Belfast Public Libraries 
advertised three vacancies for Junior Assistants. 
Over 100 presented themselves and were examined 
by the Technical Institute. The results forwarded 
to the Library and Technical Committee of the 
Corporation were these : First place, a Catholic ; 
second place, a Protestant ; third and fourth places, 
Catholics. The Committee, however, ruled out 
the first on the list, a Catholic, and took the second 
on the list, a Protestant ; ruled out the third and 
fourth, who were Catholics, and selected the fifth 
and ninth, who were Protestants. It may be added 
that the three Catholic boys brushed aside, although 
they secured first, third and fourth places, were of 
distinctly good manner, personal appearance and 
character. '* I would as soon trust a number of 


lambs before a jury of butchers, as trust Catholic 
interests to the Belfast Corporation," remarked Mr. 
Devlin in the British House of Commons, May 9, 

From the Financial Statement of the Belfast 
Union for half-year ended March 31, 1920, we take 
the following figures : 

Protestants Catholics 

170 19 

;£"20,704 ;£'l,I02 

Catholics, therefore, receive 10 per cent, of the 
salaried positions, but only 5 per cent, of the 

We have not been able to secure the Minutes of 
the other Public Bodies of Belfast ; but the attitude 
of its one-year-old Parliament towards the Catholics 
is revealed in the following extract from the 
Freeman of September 5, 192 1 : 

**The policy of the North-Eastern Parliament in 
regard to the religious complexion of the appoint- 
ments to be made in the various departments 
under its jurisdiction is now unmistakably mani- 
fest. Many incidents have arisen during the 
negotiations for the transfer of Dublin Civil Servants 
to Belfast which make it clear that it is a case of 
*. No Catholic need apply.* 

'* The public is already well aware of the criticisms 
that have been passed on Mr. Archdale, Minister of 
Agriculture, for having arranged to appoint as his 
chief officer a Catholic. Only last week we published 
particulars of another case in which all the Irish 


applicants for a particular position were Catholics. 
In order to avoid the necessity of appointing one of 
them, the Minister concerned brought a man oyer 
specially from England to fill the post, in the belief, 
of course, that this man was a Protestant. To his 
dismay he has now discovered that the official is a 
Catholic, with the result that the Minister is in a 
sea of trouble with the McGuffins, Cootes and others 
of their class. 

** Some further incidents of the same kind have 
also come to our notice. One is that of a prominent 
official of a Dublin department who went to Belfast 
recently on the instructions of his chief to discuss the 
question of transfers from his department. He 
brought with him a list of officers proposed to be 

transferred and submitted it to . The latter 

said he was sorry to have to ask him one question, 
namely, the respective religions of the officials on the 
list. The Dublin official gave the information re- 
quired, and immediately the names of the Catholic 
Civil Servants were struck out. 

** It is further stated that the head of another 
department in Dublin was bluntly informed that he 
would be only wasting his time in including Catholics 
in any list of officials he submitted for transfer to 

**The conclusion is inevitable that this wholesale 
exclusion of Catholics is not merely the policy of the 
Orange groundlings, but is the adopted policy of Sir 
James Craig and his Cabinet." 




Protestant Testimony to the Tolerance 
AND Kindness of the Catholic Majority 
IN THE South and West of Ireland. 

From countless similar declarations, coming from 
every corner of Catholic Ireland and beyond, we 
take the following : 

** Amidst all the fearful scenes that have lately 
been perpetrated in our land by armed gangs of men, 
it is a notable fact that nowhere has a hand been 
raised against one of our isolated church buildings nor 
against a single individual Presbyterian as such in 
the South and West." — Right Rev. Dr. Glenn, out- 
going Moderator of the Presbyterian Church in Ire- 
land, at Belfast, June 8th, 192 1. 

'* As far as I know, in a country place in Ireland 
there has never been any interference, good or bad 
or indifferent, with the worship of Methodists. The 
courtesy and kindness shown to your representatives 
in Ireland are more than tongue can tell. I am as 
hopeful of Ireland as ever man could be." — Mr. 
Ernest Mercier, Lay Representative of the Irish 
Methodist Conference at Hull, July 16, 1920. 

** During my experience of over thirty years in the 
County Galway, I have not only never had the slightest 
disrespect shown to me or to those belonging to me 
as Protestants, but from the priests and people, 
gentle and simple, have received the utmost con- 
sideration and friendship.'* — Rev. I. C. Trotter, 
Protestant Rector, Ardrahan, County Galway. — 
Irish Times, 23rd July, 1920. 


The long series of atrocities very briefly touched 
upon in the preceding pages, and culminating after 
nearly two years in the butchery of whole Catholic 
families, brought forth a vigorous, if tardy, outcry 
from many quarters. 

From numberless places in the South and West, 
the Protestants, grateful for the kindness they had 
always received from their Catholic neighbours, 
raised a chorus of condemnation, in the Press and 
by public meeting, against the Belfast atrocities. 
We append a few of those outspoken declarations, 
taken chiefly from the Unionist Press : 

"At a meeting of the Protestants of Limerick 
County and City yesterday, at which Sir Charles 
Barrington, Vice-Lieutenant of the County, presided, 

** The Chairman, who announced that he had called 
the meeting on behalf of Lord Dunraven, said that 
the question of religion never arose in Limerick or 
the South, where they all, Catholic and Protestant, 
lived in the best of harmony and good-fellowship. 
They all appreciated toleration, and reciprocated the 
kindly feelings shown them by their Catholic fellow- 
countrymen. (Applause). 

'/Mr. W. Waller, D.L., said that any sort of 
religious tyranny was abhorrent. Murder and 
cruelty were hateful, and, when committed in the 
guise of religion, were the worst form of tyranny. 
Political passion in Belfast had been very much in 
evidence for many years past, but the present horrors 
in that city were or a character that were not known 
before. They were of a character that had shocked 
the whole community, the attack on, and the murder 
of, the McMahon family being the worst ever heard 
of. They had seen the letter of Sir Henry Wilson 
on the situation in the North. That letter, he had 
no hesitation in saying, was written for a political 
purpose — (applause) — because it asserted that the 


Protestants of the South were not allowed to conduct 
their business in an ordinary manner. The 
Protestants were a small, a very small, minority of 
the population of Southern Ireland, and had always 
been treated with the utmost toleration and respect 
in the twenty-six counties, where they carried on 
their business without interference in any way, and 
lived in the best and most friendly relatibns with their 
Catholic fellow-countrymen. 

*' Mr. A. Murray, in seconding the resolution, said 
that he had lived all his lifes amongst his Roman 
Catholic fellow-countrymen in Limerick and elsewhere, 
and had never received anything but the utmost kind- 
ness and consideration at their hands. 

*' Captain Delmege said that it was a gross out- 
rage to have it circulated that the Protestant minority 
were ill-treated, when the fact was that they received 
nothing but kindness, courtesy and goodwill at the 
hands of their Catholic fellow-countrymen. (Ap- 
plause).** — From Irish Times, 5th April, 1922. 

''At a meeting of Protestants held in the Con- 
stitutional Club, Sligo, yesterday, a resolution, which 
expressed abhorrence at the murders committed in 
Belfast, and particularly the murder of the McMahon 
family, was adopted. 

** Mr. Arthur Jackson, D.L., who presided, said 
that he was sure that many of their co-religionists in 
Belfast abhorred murders as much as they did. Those 
present at that meeting lived in a community where 
the majority differed from them in religion and 
politics, and, although Ireland was passing through 
the greatest political upheaval in its history, not one 
Protestant had been injured in Sligo.'* — Irish Times, 
30th March, 1922. 

' * We have received a statement signed by forty- 
eight Protestants living in Killarney and district, 
which says: 


''We desire to join with our fellow-Protestants in 
condemning the cruel murders perpetrated on the 
McMahons and other families in the North, which 
have filled us with deep grief and horror, remembering 
the harmony and good feeling which have always 
existed between ourselves and our Roman Catholic 
fellow-countrymen; and we hereby denounce sectarian 
strife of all kinds and long to see complete unity.'' — 
Irish Times (Protestant), ist April, 1922. 

'* At a large and representative meeting of Athlone 
Protestants, the Rev. J. H. Rice, B.D., the Rector of 
St. Mary's, presiding, the following resolution was 
unanimously passed: 

*' That we, the Protestants of Athlone, in meeting 
assembled, desire to put on record our abhorrence of 
the murders and atrocities committed in Belfast. We 
have always lived on the friendliest terms with our 
Catholic neighbours in Athlone, and we feel that, if 
we are to have a happy and prosperous country, all 
Irishmen must co-operate to drive bigotry and intoler- 
ance from our midst." — Evening Mail^ 1st April, 

'/At a meeting of Protestants of the town of Port- 
arlington, held on April 5, it was unanimously decided 
to join in condemnmg, in the strongest terms, the 
cruel murders perpetrated throughout the country, 
both in Northern and Southern Ireland. 

''We wish," the resolution states, "to testify to 
the friendly relations which have always existed be- 
tween all parties in this neighbourhood, we having 
never at any time received anything but the greatest 
kindness and consideration from our Roman Catholic 
fellow-men." — Msh Times, 8th April, 1922. 

" Protests against the murders committed in Bel- 
fast were made yesterday by the Protestant com- 


munity in Fermoy and the Irish Guild of the Church. 
The following is the resolution passed by the 
Protestants of Fermoy: 

^* We, the undersigned Protestants of Fermoy, 
desire to express our utter horror and abhorrence of 
the dastardly murders and outrages perpetrated on 
our Catholic fellow-countrymen, women and children, 
in the North of Ireland— murders which would dis- 
grace the most uncivilised people in the world. We 
also wish to warmly testify to the most cordial and 
friendly relations which have always existed between 
Catholics and Protestants in our town and district, 
and to express the hope that some influential man in 
Cork city will take immediate steps to convene a meet- 
ing of the Protestants of the city and county to make 
a united protest. 

** The list of names includes those representative 
of the Church and commercial interests in Fermoy.*' — 
Ivish Times y 4th April, 1922. 

** At a largely atended meeting of the Protestants 
of all denominations held in the Lecture Hall, Boyle, 
on Tuesday, April nth, 1922, under the chairman- 
ship of Archdeacon Wagner, LL.D., a resolution was 
unanimously passed expressing ' abhorrence and 
detestation of the abominable crimes committed in 
Belfast and elsewhere in our country, which we look 
upon as a disgrace to our Christianity and common 
humanity. Nothing can justify murder. The most 
cordial and friendly relations always existed between 
the Catholics and Protestants of this neighbour- 

*' It is the duty of the Protestant minorit}^ in the 
South of Ireland to protest most strongly against the 
action of their co-religionists in the North towards 
their Catholic fellow-countrymen. In Southern Ire- 
land, where the question of a man's religion never 
enters into his relations with his fellow-men, and the 


Question of his politics but rarely, unless he is more 
tnan usually aggressive, it is difficult to understand 
why people should be murdered under most revolting 
circumstances in North-East Ulster because they 
do not hold the same religious and political opinions 
as their neighbours." — T. F. Newton-Brady, Cran- 
nagh, Nenagh, March 27th, 1922. — Irish Times, 
29th March, 1922. 

'* As a Protestant living in the Co. Limerick, I 
have for many years lived in what is practically a 
wholly Roman Catholic community, and never once 
have I heard a word spoken against a Protestant on 
account of his religion. Personally I have never 
received anything but the greatest kindness from my 
Roman Catholic neighbours." — H. M. O' Grady, 
Castlegrade, Limerick, 25th March, 1922. — Inde- 
pendent, 28th March, 1922. 

** Sir, — It seems quite unnecessary that anyone 
making any pretence to Christianity should say how 
much the horrible crimes that have been taking place 
in Belfast are abhorrent to him. 

*' I have lived all my life in Dublin and the South 
of Ireland, and some of my best and kindest friends 
are, and have been, Roman Catholics. 

" To say that some Protestants, too, have been 
murdered does not alter the case. Two wrongs do 
not make a right. 

** The Belfast people boast that they are pro- 
gressive, industrious and enlightened, but they must 
hang their heads in bitter shame when they think of 
what has been happening in Belfast. — J. D. Cowen 
(Clerk in Holy Orders), Castletown Rectory, Nenagh, 
28th March, 1922." — Independent, 30th March, 1922. 

Mr. George Hutchinson, Lavitt's Quay, Cork, in 
a letter to the Press, says: *' As a Protestant living 
among the Catholic people of Cork, from whom 1 


have received nothing but the greatest kindness, I 
am ashamed at the acts of my co-reHgionists in the 
North. My business takes me to every town of any 
importance in Munster, and 95 p.c. of my customers 
are Roman Cathohcs. 

*' I have never lost a farthing's worth of business 
through being a Protestant. No matter what form 
of Government the Irish people set up, I am fully 
satisfied that the minority have absolutely nothing to 
be afraid of.'* — Independent, 4th April, 1922. 

** Sir, — I notice in letters addressed to you from 
southern Protestants, there are none from West 
Roscommon condemning the wholesale murders of 
Catholics in Belfast. I am a Protestant living in 
the heart of a Catholic county, and I have always 
found my Catholic neighbours kind and obliging in 
every way. I am not the only Protestant in the 
district; there are several other families scattered here 
and there who can vouch for the friendly relations 
that exist between Catholics and Protestants in this 

fiart of the country. In fact, we could not run our 
arm if it were not for the neighbourly help from our 
Catholic friends. 

*' I wish to add my protest to the other Protestants, 
placed as I am, who have without fear or intimidation, 
signed a protest condemning the brutal murders of 
our own flesh and blood whose only crime is being 
Catholics. I sincerely pray that peace and harmony 
will be the result of the conference now being held 
between the heads of the Southern and Northern 
Parhaments. — Mrs. Monds, Knockroe, Castlerea. — 
Independent, 6th April, 1922. 

*' Sir, — A number of influential southern Pro- 
testants have asked me to organise a suitable meeting 
in Dublin to protest against the dreadful murders in 
the North of Ireland. A representative committee 
has been formed with a view to holding a national 
convention of Irish Protestants in the Mansion House 


to pass two resolutions: (i), condemning in the 
strongest manner the taking of human Hfe in Belfast 
and elsewhere as a result of sectarian hatred; (2), 
declaring that southern Irish Protestants never suffer 
any religious intolerance of any kind from their 
Roman Catholic neighbours. 

** In my opinion, the two resolutions are absolutely 
necessary. A national convention of Irish Protestants 
is the Eppst suitable and effective means of exposing 
the national will. No politics of any kind should be 
introduced by any of the speakers at the convention. 
From personal interviews with some of the leading 
clerical and lay members of the various Protestant 
denominations in Dublin I can truthfully say that the 
proposed convention has their entire support. To- 
day the Lord Mayor of Dublin most willingly agreed 
to place the Mansion House at our disposal. 

** I appeal to Protestants of every religious de- 
nomination in every county in Ireland to select with- 
out delay, and send in the names to me, their 
representatives at the convention. Due notice of the 
date of the convention will be published in the Press. 
— Yours, etc., Samuel Moore, K.C., Rathlin, Belgrave 
Road, Monkstown, April 6th, 1922.'' — Irish TimeSy 
7th April, 1922. 

'/Mr. D. M. Rattray, Gortnaskehy, Ballybunion, 
writing to the secretary of the Listowel meeting 
explaining his absence owing to indisposition, and 
saying he was in full sympathy with its objects, says: 
' I am now forty-four years residing in Co. Kerry. 
During that time no person has ever mentioned 
religion to me. 

*' 'I have found my Roman Catholic friends and 
neighbours the most kind, sympathetic, and obliging 
people that could be found in any country, and the 
happiest years of my life have been spent amongst 
them'." — Independent, 4th April, 1922. 

*' These dreadful sacrifices would not be tolerated 
amongst cannibals. 


" I think it the duty of every southern Protestant 
to pay into a fund substantially for the relief of those 
destitute and homeless fellow-Catholics in the North. 
I will assist in any way I am wanted/' — J. Johnston, 
Castlematrix, Rathkeale. — Independent, 3rd, April, 




'' Cabin Hill, Knock, 

'' 25th April, 1922. 

*'Dear Mr. Collins, — I have received your 
telegram of the 22nd inst. The Government of 
Northern Ireland has conscientiously endeavoured to 
carry out the spirit and the letter of the Agreement. 
It is, therefore, with great surprise that I have read 
your statement that the Government of Northern 
Irdand is not fulfilling vital clauses of the Agreement. 
Taking the terms of that Agreement point by point: 

'* I. — Northern Ireland has maintained peace with 
Southern Ireland, and has shown a spirit of concilia- 
tion in trying to co-operate with the Provisional 
Government in Education, Labour questions, and 
other matters tending to promote the interests of all 
classes in Ireland. It is with regret that we have 
learned of the determination of your Government to 
break off the joint railway inquiry, to which both our 
Covernr^ents had given their consent. Your depart- 
me-^ts, as a whole, have not shown to the Government 
of Northern Ireland the courtesy and consideration 
which we have hoped for, and have taken action cal- 
culated to embarrass our administration, but we trust 
that this is merely due to lack of experience. 

** 2. — Notwithstanding the undertaking of your 
Government, armed incursions into northern territory 
have continued. The Border Commission established 
by the Imperial Government was gradually fulfilling 
its purpose of restoring confidence on botn sides or 


our frontier, but the recent violent interruptipn of its 
functions oy armed men who claim to be official mem- 
bers of the I.R.A. from Southern Ireland has a deplor- 
able effect. The recent series of outrages committed 
by so-called Sinn Feiners against the property of 
Catholics in various districts in Northern Ireland is 
regarded by the latter as an effort to intimidate all 
those members of that faith who are anxious to work 
in harmony with our established Government. 

** 3. — The disturbances in Belfast have, I regret to 
say, not been quelled, but the Government has been 
handicapped in suppressing crime by the terms of our 
Agreement. I had hoped that the establishment of 
a Catholic Constabulary Force, intended to protect 
Roman Catholic areas in Belfast, would have been in 
operation before this date. We have been waiting 
for the formation of the Roman Catholic Advisory 
Police Committee, but I have not yet received the 
names of your representatives for this committee. I 
am glad to learn, however, that there is now a prob- 
ability that a Catholic Police Force in certain areas 
may shortly be established. 

** 4. — The Courts which you were so anxious for 
us to establish, consisting of the Lord Chief Justice 
and the Lord Justice of Appeal, have been consti. 
tuted, by special legislation. Moreover, in view of 
your representations regarding the partiality of the 
juries of Northern Ireland — a reflection which we 
entirely repudiate — we have arranged that all cases 
of violent death in Belfast shall be brought before the 
coroner without a jury. 

** 5- — The Conciliation Committee referred to in 
Clause 5 of our Agreement is, I am glad to say, in 
operation. Suggestions have been made that they 
should inquire into past cases of murder, particularly 
into the case of the McMahons. Any efforts on their 
part to secure evidence at the inquest on this case, 
to he held shortly, or on any of the other recent out- 
rages, will be welcomed by our Government. As I 
ha,ve already indicated, however, the role of this com- 
mittee is not to supplant the judicial system of 
Northern Ireland, but to try to assist the authorities 
in putting an end to the terrible system of partisan 


vendetta, not only by helping to bring the criminals 
to justice and inculcating amongst all classes a deter- 
mination not to tolerate crime by whomsoever com- 
mitted, but also by securing amongst citizens of every 
religion a greater spirit of mutual forbearance. 

** 6. — With regard to iVrticle 6, the Government 
of Northern Ireland, realising the grave troubles with 
which the Provisional Government is confronted, has 
purposely refrained from adding to those difficulties 
by making adverse comments. They are willing to 
credit your Government with the intention of fulfilling 
your part of the Agreement when it is possible. In 
view of your remarks, however, it must be pointed 
out that grave outrages are still being committed 
within our borders by men claiming to be members 
of the I.R.A., that almost a score of persons who 
were kidnapped from our area are still illegally de- 
tained in Southern Ireland, and that the Border Com- 
mission, set up by the Imperial Government, has been 
brought into contempt and made ineffective. More- 
over, although you have assured me that the boycott 
of Northern Ireland is absolutely contrary to the 
wishes of the Provisional Government, it is unfor- 
tunately true that, within the month which has 
elapsed since our Agreement, interference with our 
trade has been greater than in the whole previous 
period when the boycott was officially countenanced, 
and damage has been done to Northern Irish goods 
aggregating in value many hundreds of thousands 
of pounds. Our traders have shown great restraint, 
and our Government has urged them to adopt no 
methods of retaliation, but has advised them to apply 
in your courts for reparation and compensation, for 
which we understand your Government will assume 
ultimate responsibility. 

** 7. — Article 7 does not yet arise. 

** 8. — The Conciliation Committee will, I hope, be 
successful in carrying out Article 8 of our Agreement 
in regard to the return to their homes of expelled 
workers, but the difficulties of the situation are aggra- 
vated by the hostility of certain sections of the people 
in Southern Ireland towards the members of the 
R.I.C. who wish to return home on disbandmcnt. I 


hope that St. Mary*s Hall, Belfast, may be returned 
to its former owners as soon as they are in a position 
to guarantee that it will no longer be used for 
criminal purposes. We regret that you are not yet 
able to give any undertaking that the headquarters 
of the Orange institution in Dublin will be restored 
at an early date, although no suggestion has ever 
been made that it has been used for any illegal object. 
I believe tnat the seizure in Dublin of the Y.M.C.A. 
buildings and of the Freemasons' Hall, Molesworth 
Street, this week is opposed to the wishes of your 
Government, and is, therefore, an act of illegality of 
which we trust you will take immediate cognisance. 

**9.— As regards the relief of unemployment in 
Belfast, the Minister of Labour of Northern Ireland 
has taken every step practicable to begin relief work, 
but the failure of the nominees of your Government 
to act on the Advisory Committee has caused con- 
siderable delay. 

** 10. — In regard to the release of prisoners, I made 
it quite clear at our conference in the Colonial Office 
that we could not acquiesce in a general release of 
all prisoners for offences committed prior to the date 
of Agreement, and that we could not countenance 
the liberation of those convicted of grave civil 
offences. In your list of nearly 170 prisoners, for 
whose release you make request, there is a very large 
proportion of criminals convicted of murder and other 
serious crimes. The Minister of Home Affairs of 
Northern Ireland is prepared to recommend to our 
Government — in accordance with the terms of our 
Agreement — the release of a number of persons con- 
victed of technical offences of a so-called political 

** II. — Finally, we w^ould ask you most earnestly 
to remember the terms of Article 1 1 of our Agreement 
and to join with us in asking our peoples to exercise 
restraint ia the interest of peace. 

''Yours faithfully, 


" Michael Collins, Esq., M.P., 
"City Hall, Dublin.'' 




** The Right Hon. Sir James Craig, 
** Premier, Northern Ireland. 

'' Your letter of 25th inst. reached this office late 
last night. I did not see it until it had already ap- 
peared in the Press, consequently I wired you as 

*' * Your letter only reached my office late last 
night. Consider publication without reference 
to me the greatest want of courtesy. In view 
of this publication, I propose handing all further 
communications to the Press at the time of dis- 

''Your letter under acknowledgment so astonishes 
me by its assertions and general tone that I think it 
well to set out here my wire of 22nd April, to which 
I take it your letter is a reply: 

*' ' All here are agreed that it is impossible 
to make any further progress until vital clauses 
of the Agreement are fulfilled by you. Consider 
your attitude with regard to prisoners most un- 
satisfactory and entirely out of accord with letter 
and spirit of Agreement. Your failure to agree 
to investigation of cases under Clause 5 most 

** It will be observed that I have raised two main 
issues in this wire, namely: 

(a) Release of prisoners; and 

(b) Failure to agree to investigation under 
Clause 5. 


"In your reply you carefully avoid these issues, 
and I must insist that it is no answer to these asser- 
tions to give a long list of vague and indefinite 
charges, backed up with a few dates and little evi- 
dence of any kind. 

**You commence your letter by stating that your 
Government has conscientiously endeavoured to carry 
out the spirit and the letter of the Agreement. How 
can you maintain this assertion with regard to the 
points I make in my wire? 

*' Clause 10 of the Pact states that * The two 
Governments shall, in cases agreed upon between the 
signatories, arrange for the release of political 
prisoners in prison for offences before the date here- 
of.' In pursuance of this Clause, I have caused the 
release of the Specials arrested at Clones, and fur- 
nished you, some weeks ago, with a list of 170 
persons detained by your Government for purely 
political causes. So far, you have not released one 
single person on this list. 

** Clause 5 of the Pact makes provision for a 'Com- 
mittee to be set up in Belfast of equal members. 
Catholic and Protestant, with an independent chair- 
man, preferably Catholic and Protestant alternating 
in successive weeks, to hear and investigate com- 
plaints as to intimidation, outrages, etc., such com- 
mittee to have access to the heads of the Government. 
The local Press to be approached with a view to in- 
serting only such reports of disturbances, etc. as shall 
have been considered and communicated by this com- 

** What has your attitude been on this important 
matter? You have continually and emphatically 
refused my repeated request to you to get this com- 
mittee established and functioning. On the 4th inst. 
you replied: 

** * Your wire received, and I await the names 
you suggest for the two committees. In view 
of the pleasing fact that peace has reigned for 
over twenty-four hours, I consider it injudicious 
to go back either on the cases of Walsh, Spallen, 
MTrory, and M'Kenna, or on that of the two 
constables shot earlier that day. The authorities 


are making every endeavour to bring the 
criminals to justice.' 

** On the 5th I wired you: 

** 'Your wire received; am consulting with 
regard to names to-day. All are satisfied that 
it is imperatively necessary to have inquiry into 
all cases, including the two constables. We 
believe continuation of peace and restoration of 
confidence depend on the inquiry. The condi- 
tions of the Agreement must apply rigidly from 
date of signing; otherwise they are valueless.' 

" The same day you replied as follows 

** * Your telegram regarding inquiry received. 
I differ profoundly; a few days were required to 
establish the peaceful conditions now prevailing. 
I cannot consent to rake up past cases. Such 
action might cause fresh outburst of bitterness, 
_ which we are so anxious to avoid. I repeat that 
the authorities are endeavouring to bring the 
criminals to justice.' 

** You will recollect that I further urged the neces- 
sity of the matter on the 5th inst. So much for this 

** Now, with regard to your letter of the 25th inst., 
it is such an astonishing accumulation of evasions 
and charges, supported by little or no data, that I 
can only conclude its raison d^etre was for purely 
propaganda purposes — to be used ad libitum by the 
various journals of the great British Press combine, 
which is playing such an important part in the game 
of disunion and internal conflict in our common 

*' I. — In Clause No. i of your letter you state that 
* Northern Ireland has maintained peace with Southern 
Ireland and has shown a spirit of conciliation in trying 
to co-operate with the Provisional Government in 
Education, Labour questions and other matters tend- 
ing to promote the interests of all classes in Ireland.' 
Whilst I fail to see what bearing these particular 
matters have on our Pact, at any rate your assertion 
that you have * maintained peace ' and shown ' a 


spirit of conciliation ' with us is fully answered in 
this reply. 

** I cannot see in what way my Government has 
b en discourteous to an authority in whose territory 
the members of the greatest Church in Christendom, 
which enjoys the protection of all civilised Govern- 
ments, are harassed and persecuted in the most 
appalling fashion by armed mobs, who are apparently 
not interfered with in any way by your police or 
military. Under your jurisdiction — to name but a 
few instances — little Catholic school children playmg 
in the streets. Catholic expectant mothers at the doors 
of their homes, a Catholic father and five members of 
his family in his own drawing-room, a Catholic woman 
in the porch of St. Matthew's Catholic Church, all in 
Belfast, have been foully and deliberately murdered 
in cold blood. You suggest that we lack experience. 
If this be the test of * experienced government,' then 
we are happy to be called * inexperienced.' 

** (2).— You seek to make capital out of certain 
alleged happenings with respect to the Border Com- 
mission. I confess I am astonished at your mention- 
ing the Border Commission in view of the extra- 
ordinary attitude your authorities have adopted with 
regard to it. Let me refresh your memory on the 

'*^The regulations creating the Commission were 
issued on the 17th February. According to these 
regulations the personnel of the Commission was to 
be formed thus: 

** ' Two officers of the Dublin Garrison will 
work on the North side of the border in com- 
pany with two officers of the Special Con- 
stabulary detailed by the Northern Government. 
Similarly, two officers of the Dublin Garrison will 
work on the South side of the border in company 
with two officers nominated by the Provisional 

** The British Government and our Government in 
due course appointed our representatives. Up to 
date you have only appointed one — ^viz.. District 
Inspector King — and even him you have not vested 


with full powers. On 24th February, District 
Inspector King attended two meetings of the Joint 
Commission and informed the Commission that he 
had no authority whatever from the Northern Govern- 
ment to give effect to any of the Commission's find- 
ings, and that he did not even forward reports of the 
proceedings to the Northern Government. At a very 
early stage in the proceedings — to be exact, the 24th 
February — the Provisional Government undertook to 
give immediate effect to any unanimous decision of 
the Commission. 

** On the 6th March, your representative, Lieut. - 
Colonel Vernon, who had proceeded to Belfast to 
represent the views of the Southern representatives 
with reference to the prisoners still detained by the 
North, stated that he was referred to Paragraph 6 
of his instructions, • which * could not be modified.' 
The paragraph referred to read as follows: 

'**You will, however, refrain from entering 
into any discussion affecting questions of policy, 
which are within the competence of the Northern 
Government, or affecting the administration of 
justice dealing with the cases of men awaiting 

** Again, at a meeting of the Commission on the 
Monaghan-Tyrone Border on the loth March, the 
official report states: 

'* ' There was no reply from the Northern 
Government re the request of the Joint Commis- 
sion to have the Northern representative placed 
in a position similar to that occupied by the 
representative for the Provisional Government.* 

*' Lieut. -Colonel Montagu Bates' official report of 
the 14th inst. contains this significant paragraph: 

'* * Every opportunity of publishing exagger- 
ated reports is made use of by Press representa- 
tives of the Northern papers. As previously 
reported, these exaggerated reports do an im- 
mense amount of harm amongst the local in- 
habitants near the Border and elsewhere/ 

" The white and blue flag of the Commission has 


always been respected by us, but see Paragraph 4 of 
Lieut. -Colonel Montagu Bates' report for the follow- 

'''On passing through Aughnacloy on the 
return journey yesterday, we were given to 
understand by a Head-Constable of the Special 
Constabulary that they had orders to fire at 
sight on any car flying the blue and white flag.' 

'* I agree with you that * the Border Commission 
was gradually fulfilling its purpose of restoring peace 
on both sides ' of the Border, but, in view of the facts 
recorded above, it is obviously absurd to blame us for 
any violent interruption of its functions. 

** Your entire letter has apparently been drafted 
with a view to keeping attention off the daily practice 
of atrocities and murders which continue uninter- 
rupted in the seat of your Government. There is not 
space here to detail all the abominations that have 
taken place in Belfast since the signing of our Pact, 
and I quite understand your desire to draw the atten- 
tion or civilisation away from them. This much, 
though, I must say — the ink on our Pact was scarcely 
dry when, on the ist inst., loads of armed Specials, 
uniformed and un-uniformed, in Crossley tenders and 
whippet cars, invaded, during Curfew hours. Stanhope 
Street and Arnon Street, where 90 per cent, of the 
inhabitants are Catholics, and entered the houses of 
many of the Catholics. The result of this armed 
incursion was that four Catholics, one of whom was 
an old man, and three of whom fought on the British 
side in the European War, were tortured and mur- 
dered in their beds, and in the presence of their 
wives. You refer to an alleged * cowardly ambus- 
cade.' As vou appear to be confident as to the 
identity of the culprits in this case, I trust you will 
assist the Provisional Government in bringing them 
to justice. 

** You make the extraordinary statement that cer- 
tain Catholics have destroyed Catholic property in 
your area. Is this statement also intended to assist 
the big British Press combine which has arranged to 
do propaganda for Jtou? If not, I trust you will 


furnish us with particulars of these remarkable 

** Your statement that you have not yet received 
the names of our representatives of your Catholic 
Advisory Police Committee is contrary to the facts. 
The names were in your hands on the date you 
dictated your letter. Let me state here that I can- 
not take any part in assisting you in the formation 
of a police force for your area until I am clearly con- 
vinced that the lives of its members will be safe, and 
that it will be able to do something to restore law 
and order in Belfast. In order to achieve this 
salutary purpose, it seems to me that the committee 
should at once proceed under Clause 5 of the Pact to 
investigate the attempted assassination of Constable 
Moriarty, a Catholic member of the Belfast Con- 
stabulary, in the porch of St. Matthew's Church last 
Sunday evening. 

**I note with satisfaction your recent actions with 
regard to your Courts. 

** The Conciliation Committee is, I presume, the 
Investigation Committee referred to in Clause 5 of 
our Agreement. I understand you have not facilitated 
them in any way. On the contrary, they have been 
unable to obtain direct access to the heads of your 
Government, and this, notwithstanding the fact that 
they have been meeting since April 12th, and that 
outrages and intimidation on an increasing scale are 
taking place daily in Belfast. 

*' No one, to my knowledge, suggested that they 
should inquire into the McMahon massacre, but I 
have msisted that they should inquire into all out- 
rages since the signing of the Pact on March 30th. 
As the McMahon massacre was perpetrated before 
March 30th, your allusion to this is a deliberate 
attempt to confuse the issue. You have persistently 
refused that they should inquire into the Stanhope 
Street and Arnon Street atrocities, already referred 

" The reinstitution of the boycott by certain 
unofficial and irregular parties is unfortunate; but I 
am convinced that if you had co-operated, as you 
undertook under Clause 11 of the Pact, you would 


not have grounds for a complaint of this nature 
against the people of Ireland. 

** I am determined that the awful conditions that 
have been existing in your area since the devolution 
of certain powers on you will not be tolerated in the 
rest of Ireland, but if you want quick results in this 
respect the best way to get them is by protecting the 
lives and property of the 25 per cent, of the popula- 
tion of Belfast wnich is being gradually exterminated. 

** Many members of the R.I.C. at present in Bel- 
fast are anxiously awaiting the termination of their 
contract with you in order to enjoy security elsewhere 
in Ireland and avoid the fate intended for Constable 
Moriarty and meted out to other constables by people 
under your jurisdiction. 

** Repeated demands have been made to you for 
possession of St. Mary's Hall — one no later than 
Monday last to Sir Dawson Bates — and it has been 
pointed out to your Minister of Home Affairs that it 
is urgently required for charitable purposes, and for 
a shelter for people burnt out of their homes in 
Catholic streets in North Belfast and at present 
herded together in a pitiable way — men, women and 
children — in wooden huts on waste grounds in your 
city, and without any conveniences whatever. You 
may rest assured that citizens of Orange proclivities, 
and their property, will never be refused ample pro- 
tection by us. 

*' As arranged in London, I have handed you the 
list of names of persons on the White Cross Committee 
in Belfast who are to act on the Advisory Committee 
set up by your Minister of Labour. 

*'I have aLeady referred to the question of the 
prisoners. There is one point, however, in your 
letter on this matter on which I would thank you for 
an explanation. You say: ' In your list of nearly 170 
prisoners, for whose release you make request, there 
is a very large proportion of criminals convicted of 
murder and other serious crimes.' Have your courts 
convicted more than three persons on that list of 
murder, and are not these obviously political cases ? 

** As to Clause 11.^ — I have always shown a willing- 
ness and desire, as you well know, to meet you as 


far as possible on every possible ground, but I must 
say I have not met with anything like a similar spirit 
of co-operation from either yourself or your col- 
leagues. On the contrary, you appear to have 
shown at best a reluctance to make even the slightest 
effort to interfere with the unrestrained violence of 
the savage mobs under your jurisdiction. Of course, 
I make all allowance for your inability to deal 
effectively with these barbarians in your midst, but 
I must say the recent utterances of your colleagues 
in Belfast are anything but helpful towards peace, 
and, in my opinion, constitute a very grave breach of 
this Clause ii. 

** Since the Pact the following awful list of murder, 
arson and general crime has been committed in the 
very centre of your seat of Government: 

From 1st April, 1922, to date: 

Catholics killed ... ... ... ... 24 

Catholics wounded ... ... ... 41 

Attempted murders of Catholics ... ... 29 

No. of (R.C.) houses burned and looted ... 75 

No. of (R.C.) families homeless ... ... 89 

No. of (R.C.) persons homeless ... ... 400 

No. of (R.C.) houses bombed ... ... 5 

No. of Protestants killed ... ... ... 11 

No. of Protestants wounded ... ... 34 

No. of Protestant houses looted and burned ... Ii 

/' Two of the Protestants killed — Matthew Car- 
michael and Johnston (26, Moyola Street, and 20, 
Harrison Street) — were shot dead in an entirely 
Orange locality, and were mistaken for Catholics. The 
Protestant premises were destroyed by loyalists dur- 
ing the outbreak at Marrowbone (at Easter). No 
record of any Protestant families homeless, as there 
are hundreds of houses from which Catholics have 
been evicted for them to occupy. 

** This is, you will admit, I am sure, an appalling 
record of crime to happen in the chief city of any 
Government which calls itself civilised, especially 
after having entered into an honourable agreement 
with us in which you undertook to restore ordered 
conditions in your area. 


*' I would suggest to you that it would be much 
better for the peace of your area and the general 
welfare of our country if you devoted your energies 
in co-operation with us, in the true spirit of the Agree- 
ment, towards establishing civihsed conditions in 




The Belfast Catholic Protection Committee issued 
the following statement, 12th May, 1922 : 

*' An article taken from the Spectator has appeared 
in the issue of Belfast Evening Telegraph of 6th May. 
This article, amongst other things, referred to the 
reign of violence in Ulster, and particularly in Belfast. 
The statements in the article which refer to Belfast 
are untrue, and patently propagandist in tone. But 
there is one part of a sentence which reads as follows: 
* The monstrous charge that Roman Catholics, as 
such in Belfast, have been subjected to savage perse- 

** The presence of these words in the article gives 
the idea that it was, perhaps, written without knowl- 
edge of the real facts, and that if these were supplied 
to the writer he would probably be horrified to find 
that a savage persecution is being directed against 
Catholics in Belfast, as such. 

** It is stated in the article that ' all the evidence 
shows first that the original trouble came from the 
Sinn Fein gunmen imported into Belfast.' 

*'We wonder what the evidence is. It has never 
been made public yet, to our knowledge. This excuse 
has been made in the Orange Press of Belfast to 
justify murder, and as an incitement to arson 
and murder; but there was no evidence produced 


As a matter of fact the only Sinn Feiners imported 
into Belfast were those imported into Crumlin Road 
Jail by the British Government, and these were not 
m a position to offend. 

*' * Sinn Fein ' gunmen could not be served up as 
an excuse for the expulsion of the Catholic workmen 
from the shipyards in 191 2. Neither could they be 
made to serve as an excuse for the expulsion of 
Catholics from the shipyards in 1886. 

** At both these times, as in 1920, the Catholic 
workers, as such, were savagely attacked and beaten, 
some driven into the water and pelted when swim- 
ming to safety. One was drowned under par- 
ticularly brutal circumstances in 1886: a boy named 
Curran, aged seventeen years. In 1872 and 1864 
persecution of Catholics occurred without the incite- 
ment of Sinn Fein gunmen. 

" Belfast Catholics never at any period enjoyed 
tolerance. Religious bigotry is always present and 
it blazes into savage persecution at times when it is 
deemed necessary by interested politicians to use it 
as a political weapon. 

**We further read that 'the boycott of Roman 
Catholic workers in the shipyards was put into 
practice, not because these workers were Roman 
Catholics, but because they would not disavow the 
Sinn Fein policy of murder.' 

** Does the writer mean by this that an alternative 
was given to Catholics before being expelled? 

** Here is the way the boycott was * put into 
practice ': Crowds of thousands of Protestants, armed 
with sledges, rivets and revolvers, and bars of iron 
attacked the Catholics on a given day at a given 
signal, beat those whom they caught so savagely 
that some died from the effects, hunted them for 
their lives from their work like wild beasts: some had 
to swim across the docks for safety. 

** Over 4000 were thus treated, of whom 1,500 
were ex-soldiers who had served ip France. Not one 
solitary individual was given the alternative. The 
only question asked that day was: * Are you a 
Papish?* Later on, when it was found that religious 
bigotry had gone too far, and had developed into 


savage persecution by denying fundamental rights to 
fellow-human beings to earn their bread, the excuse 
of the alternative was made. 

"Over a month after all the Catholics, without 
exception, had been driven violently from work, the 
alternative was invented to make politics an excuse. 

** Ten thousand men are in receipt of White Cross 
relief; 4000 of these were driven from the shipyards; 
6000 were driven from foundries, mills, factories and 
other works. One thousand Catholic women are in 
receipt of this relief. The dependents of these num- 
ber about 30,000. 

'* To say that any of these 11,000 people were 
offered an alternative is a lie. To say that they were 
Sinn Feiners is a lie. They were denied the right to 
work because they were Catholics. 

** Upwards of 500 Catholic shopkeepers have had 
their shops burned, looted and wrecked, and their 
means of livelihood taken from them. 

** Hundreds of Catholic families in Belfast alone 
have been rendered homeless by being burned and 
looted and wrecked. 

''Protestants married to Catholics have been 
hounded from their work; have been bombed and 
shot and driven from their homes. 

** Catholic R.I.C. men and R.I.C. pensioners have 
had their houses bombed and have been driven from 
their homes as well. 

** Catholic women have been deliberately murdered 
in cold blood by murder gangs — amongst them 
expectant mothers. 

CathoHc children of mixed marriages have been 
killed by murder gangs. 

** CathoHc ex-soldiers have been driven from the 
hospitals in which they were patients. 

** Foreigners in Belfast belonging to Catholic 
nations have had their premises wrecked and have 
been assaulted and shot. 

*'Cathohc groups of children at play have been 
bombed with horrible results. 

** Catholic congregations attending Divine Service 
have been attacked with fatal results. 


* ' Catholic churches and convents and parochial 
houses have also been attacked and partly burned. 

'* Cathohc clergymen have been insulted and shot 

"All the evidence goes to show that the original 
trouble is not political by any means, but religious. 
To be a Catholic is a crime punishable by death in 
Belfast. Age and sex have not been spared, from 
the babe unborn to the octogenarian. 

** Regarding the fate of the McMahon family, even 
the Protestant leaders of the North had not the hardi- 
hood to suggest what this article does, that this 
unfortunate family were murdered by * Sinn Fein 

** The residence of the McMahons is not a quarter 
of a mile from Glenravel Street Police Barracks. On 
the night this family were murdered their door was 
battered in with a sledge-hammer. A crowd of 
murderers leisurely accomplished their fell work dur- 
ing the Curfew hours, when none but members of the 
Crown Forces dare go abroad. The noise made was 
heard over a wide area, and yet no one came on the 
scene until all was over and the murderers escaped, 
in spite of the fact that a number of Special Con- 
stables must have been on duty on Antrim Road. 

** The Northern Government offered ;^iooo reward 
for the perpetrators of the deed, but it has not yet 
been claimed. 

'*The evidence that the Protestant leaders might 
have put forward was similar to the type of evidence 
that attributed the murder of Lord Mayor MacCurtain 
of Cork to * Sinn Fein gunmen,' that attributed the 
burning of Cork city to Sinn Fein incendiaries or that 
attributed the murders of the Mayor and ex-Mayor 
of Limerick to * Sinn Fein gunmen,' etc.; and as such 
they, not being fools, did not bring it forward, for 
evidence of this type is now 'played out,' even for 
propaganda purposes." 


'^Argenta/* prison ship, 

Armagh, first Orange 
pogrom in, 8. 

Arnon Street butchery, 

Arrest of CathoKc mem- 
bers of consultative 
committee, 150. 

Baird, Councillor, 30. 

Belfast News-Letter, let- 
ters from, 175, et seq. 

Bloody Sunday, 61. 

Bombings, 137. 

Boulter, Archbishop, 13. 

Boycott of Belfast goods, 
55, 102. 

Boycott removed, 102. 

Britain finances p o g - 
romists, 125. 

Bruce, Lieutenant, mur- 
dered, 115. 

Burning of Catholic 
houses, 20, 34, 132, 

Burning victims, 38, 146. 

Carson, Sir Edward, ad- 
dresses Orange gather- 
ing, 16. 

Catcn-cries, Orange, 47. 

Child murdered, 72. 

Children bombed, 68, 104 

Churchill, Mr., on Weaver 
Street outrage, 104. 

Church, Protestant, en- 
tered and robbed, 134. 

Church of Sacred Heart 
attacked, 41. 

Church, St. Matthew's, 
attacked by loyalists, 
21, 33, 74, 133. 

Christian Brothers at- 
tacked, 65. 

Circular, secret, 70, 83. 

Convent attacked b y 
loyalists, 23. 

Coote, Mr., M. P., incites 
Orange aggression, 64 

Craigavon and U.V.F. 
hospitals, threats to 
Catholic ex-service men 
in, log. 

Craig opposes martial 
law, 117. 

Craig, Sir James, ap- 
proves of pogrom, 31. 

Craig, Sir James, with- 
draws secret circulars, 

Curfew, 40, 78. 

Daily Mail, on pogrom, 
27, 39. 




Daily Mail^ on special 
police, 54. 

Daily News, on pogrom, 
27, 37> 65. 

Devlin, Mr., on Crown 
murderers, 77. 

Dolly's Brae, 11. 

Duffin, brothers, mur- 
dered, 57. 

Election, parliamentary, 

farce of, 58. 
Evictions of Catholics, 39. 
Ex-soldiers, Catholic, 18, 

51, 67, 109, 113. 

Flogging of prisoners, 

Funeral, an Orange, 139. 

Generosity of Irish peo- 
ple, 157. 

Gosford, Lord, on Orange 
outrages, 8. 

Government surrenders to 
Carson, 53. 

Hospital attacked by 

special police, 148. 
Kicking to death, 75, 141. 

Law and Order, powers 
of, taken over by 
Northern Government, 

Law courts, partisanship 
in. III. 

Lecky on Armagh atroc- 
ities, 8. 

Londonderry, Lord, 118. 

London peace pact, 126. 

Loyalty, Orange, samples 
of, 92, 99. 

MacMahon massacre, 120 
MacRory, Most Rev. Dr., 

29, 106. 
Manchester Guardian, on 

Belfast troubles, 66. 
Manifesto by heads of 

Protestant churches, 

Monastery, Redemptorist, 

fired on by military, 22. 

Murders by Crown forces, 

57, 59, 60. 

O'Hare, Jack, fate of, 

HI. . . . ^ 

Orange Society, origm of, 

Orange version of pog- 
rom, 49. 

Pact, Collins-Craig, loi. 
Pact, failure of, 112. 
Pim, Mr. Justice, on 

pogrom, 43. 
Pirrie, Lord, attitude of, 

Presbytery attacked, 143. 
Press, Orange, 24, 25, 

42, 45. 

Refugees, 148. 

Shipyards, expulsions, 18 
Special police, 52, 53, 

148, 150. 
Special pohce, 52, 96. 
Statistics of Catholics in 

public services of Bel- 

tast, 181. 
Statistics, rehgious, of 

Ulster, 180. 
Spectator, reply to article 

in, 207. 



The Times, on Carson's 
speech, 16. 

The Times, on special 
police, 52, 53: 

Thierry, on British policy 
in Ireland, 13. 

Tolerance, Catholic, 
Protestant testimony 
to, 186 — 194. 

Twaddell, Councillor, re- 
sents appointment of 
Catholic viceroy, 58, 

Weaver Street Bombing, 

Westminster Gazette, on 

pogrom, 27. 
White Cross, American, 

magnificent work of, 


White Cross delegation 
in Belfast, 62, 64. 

Woman burned, 146. 

Women murdered, 72, 
116, 133, 146. 

Orange Aggression: 

Daily Mail on, 27, 39, 54. 
Daily News on, 27. 

Manchester Guardian on, 

Protestant Councillor on, 

Westminster Gazette on, 



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